페이지 이미지

Shah Ismael, on hearing of these events, being probably apprehensive of a new Uz- Baber joinbek invasion, sent Nijim Sani Isfahani, one of his principal officers, with a large force, Saniy. a£mi for the protection of Khorasan. This general, without orders from his sovereign, was v»nc« towrought upon to march to the assistance of Baber; with whom having formed a junc- hira. tion, he enabled him to reduce first Khozar and next Karshi, which last place was carried by storm, and Sheikhem Mirza Uzbek, with fifteen thousand men, including Uzbeks and inhabitants, put to the sword. The circumstances of this massacre dis- Massacre of gusted Baber, who found that he was condemned to play a subordinate part in the A ^ 1513, army that was professedly acting under his authority. He had ardently desired to °f beginsave the inhabitants of the place, who were Jaghatai Turks of his own race, and ur- 1514. gently besought Amir Nijim to comply with his entreaties; but the unrelenting Persian was deaf to his wishes. Moulana Binai the poet, one of the most eminent men of his time, who happened to be in the town, was slain during the confusion and tumult, with many Syeds and holy men; "And from this time," says Mirza Sekander, "Amir Nijim prospered in none of his undertakings."

After these successes, the army advanced to subdue the other countries still occupied siege of by the Uzbeks, and laid siege to Ghajdewan, which lies not far west of Bokhara, on the Gh»idewanborders of the desert. This fort was bravely defended, for four months, by Muhammed Taimur Sultan and Abusaid Sultan, who had thrown themselves into it. The Uzbeks well saw that Baber's farther progress would be fatal to their hopes of retaining possession of Maweralnaher, and their other rich conquests. The whole Princes and Chieftains in their alliance were therefore summoned, collected their forces, formed a junction, and marched from Bokhara, under the command of Abdalla Khan and Jani Beg Sultan, against the invaders. Muhammed Taimur Sultan having issued from Ghajdewan, joined them in the field. The battle, which was fought on Sunday the 22d of Octo- ^eat bat" ber 1514,1 was long and desperate ; but it was perfectly decisive. The Uzbeks gained 3 Ramzin. a great victory. Biram Khan, who was the ablest general of the Kezzclbashes, being wounded with an arrow and unhorsed, his fall occasioned the route of the army. The Uzbeks by a resolute charge broke their centre. The Persian Chiefs, disgusted with the haughty deportment and harsh inflexibility of Amir Nijim, are said not to have afforded him proper support. He fell into the hands of the Uzbeks, who put him to death. Many of the Persian officers, flying from the field of battle, escaped across the Defeat of Amu by the passage of Kirki, and returned into Khorasan. Shah Ismael, who was much dissatisfied with their conduct, commanded some of them to be seized and put to death. Baber is represented as having had little share in the action, and he was probably not much consulted by the haughty Persian general. He saw himself once again compelled to retire to Hissar-Shadman as a fugitive, and with scarce a hope left of recovering his hereditary dominions.

But his misfortunes did not terminate here. Some Moghul tribes had long pos- Revolt of sessed considerable power in the country about Hissar, and they bad joined his party, *'jJi^r and supported him during the former siege. Whether Baber had given them any cause of disgust, or whether the ruin of his fortunes alone had inspired their leaders with am

1 No year k mentioned, but the date, Sunday the 3d of Ramzan, can only correspond with the year 920.

[ocr errors]

bitious hopes of independence, does not appear,; but, at this time, a serious conspiracy was formed among them, for the purpose of destroying the remains of his army. The chief leaders were Yadgar Mirza, Nazer Mirza, Mir Ayub, and JMlr Muhammed, who fell upon Baber by night, slaughtered such of his followers as came in their way, and Babcr plundered and carried off whatever booty they could find. So unexpected was the Slaty'* attack,tnat Baber himself with difficulty escaped into the citadel of Hissar in his nightclothes, not having even had time to put on. his shoes; and so desperate had the situation of < his affairs now become, that he had not a hope left of being able to revenge the affront. The power and influence of the Uzbeks daily increased, till they regained the undisputed possession of all Maweralnahen, including the country of Hissar. A famine and pestilence were added to the calamities of war, and Baber, who was shut up within the citadel of Hissar, was reduced to the last extremes of misery. Disaffection What diminished his ultimate chance of success, was a marked disaffection to his Temment. government, which had manifested itself from Hissar to Bokhara. When he first entered the country on the defeat of Sheibani Khan, the news of his approach was received with the strongest demonstrations of joy, both in the territories of Hissar and of Samarkand; and he was hailed as a deliverer. But causes of mutual disgust speedily arose. As he relied much on the assistance of Shah Ismael, the King of Persia, for reconquering his dominions, in order to gratify that prince, he is. said to have dressed himself and his troops in the Persian fashion, and to have issued an order that all his troops should wear a red cloth in their caps like Kezzelbashes. The principal men of Samarkand and Bokhara were highly offended at this order, which, with the general distinction shown to the Persian auxiliaries, and perhaps some acts of Baber implying a dependancc on the Persian king, appeared like a preparation for their becoming subjects of Persia. Their hostility to the Persians was now increased by difference of religion, Shah Ismael being a warm and zealous apostle of the Shia faith, while MaweraJnaher, from the earliest ages of the Islam, was always famous for the orthodoxy of its doctors and inhabitants. The detestation which the orthodox Sunnis of Maweralnaher then bore to the heretical Shias of Persia, was certainly increased by the persecutions at Herat; and it continues undiminished at the present hour, particularly among the Uzbeks, one of whom seldom willingly enters, the territories of Persia1 except as an enemy. The nobles and religious men of Samarkand and Bokhara had expressed great indignation that their soldiers should be disguised as Kezzelbashes. The usual weapons of ridicule and abuse were plentifully lavished on the king and his army, to expose these innovations to derision.2 The massacre at Karshi, though it occurred in

1 I happened to meet with a singular instance of this, while making some inquiries regarding the geography of Uzbek Turkistan. An Uzbek Mulla, whom I consulted, had just made the pilgrimage of Mckka. On inquiring if he had passed through Persia, he expressed great horror. I found, that to avoid touching the soil of Persia, he had gone from Bokhara to Kokan, thence to Kashghar, thence to Astrakhan, whence by Krim Tartary he had reached Constantinople. He went by sea to Egypt, and joined the caravan of Cairo. I saw him at Bombay, whither he had come from Jidda, after making the Haj, or pilgrimage He was preparing to return home by Delhi, Lahore, and Peshawer, to avoid coming in contact with the Persian Shias.

2 They insulted the king and his troops, asking how they came to cover their heads nervis atininu, as they deridingly called the red piece of cloth that hangs from the top of the Persian cap.—See Khifi Khan, vol. I. MS.

[ocr errors]

spite of Baber's efforts to prevent it, probably produced its natural consequences.

Such an execution inevitably generates alienation and hatred; and unless supported by

an overwhelming force, so as to keep alive feelings of terror, is sure to be fatal by the

detestation it produces. The contempt and hatred excited against the invaders spread

in all directions, and finally extended to the king and all his measures. Baber, in the Baber in

end, seeing all hope of recovering Hissar and Samarkand totally vanished, once more turnTto""

recrossed the Hindukush mountains, attended by a few faithful followers, who still K*bul

adhered to his fortunes, and again arrived in the city of Kabul. From this time he

seems to have abandoned all views1 on the country of Maweralnaher; and he was " led

by divine inspiration," says the courtly Abulfazl, writing in the reign of his grandson,

"to turn his mind to the conquest of Hindustan."

But his arms were previously employed for several years in attempting a conquest Baber's atnearer to his capital. When Sheibani Khan was obliged to raise the siege of the cita- Kandahi" del of Kandahar, to return to the rescue of his family in Nirehtu, Nasir Mirza, Baber's A. H. 913, youngest brother, who defended the plaee, had been reduced to great difficulties. The A"D. ,5o7departure of Sheibani Khan did not much improve his situation; for Shah Beg and Moklm remained in the neighbourhood, and, in a short time, so much straitened the young prince, who, from the first, was but ill prepared for a siege, that he soon found it necessary to abandon the citadel of Kandahar, and return to the court of his brother. Baber bestowed on him the government of Ghazni, an incident mentioned among the events of the year 913. The year in which Baber came back from Kundez to Kabul, I have not discovered; but his return was probably in the course of 921. Of the A.D. 1515. transactions of the three following years, our accounts are very imperfect. There is reason to believe that they were chiefly spent in an annual invasion of the territory of Kandahar, the forts of which were defended by Shah Beg, though he did not venture to oppose the invaders in the field.

The fragment of Baber's Memoirs which follows, describes his first invasion of India, and also what Khan Khan and Ferishta regard as the second. It includes a period of only one year and a month. The Memoirs here assume the form of a journal.

1 His hopes were revived for a moment near the close of his life.



A. D. 1519.
Jan uary 3.
m arches to
attack Ba-

On Monday,2 the first day of the month of Moharrem, there was a violent earthquake in the lower part of the valley, or Julga of Chandul,3 which lasted nearly half an astronomical hour. Next morning I marched from this stage, for the purpose of attacking the fort of Bajour. Having encamped near it, I sent a trusty man of the Dilazak Afghans to Bajour, to require the Sultan of Bajour and his people to submit, and deliver up the fort. That stupid and ill-fated set refused to do as they were advised, and sent back an absurd answer. I therefore ordered the army to prepare their besieging implements, scaling-ladders, and engines for attacking fortresses. For this purpose we halted one day in our camp.

On Thursday, the 4th of Moharrem, I ordered the troops to put on their armour, to prepare their weapons, and to mount in readiness for action. The left wing I ordered to proceed higher up than the fort of Bajour, to cross the river at the ford, and to take their ground to the north of the fort; I ordered the centre not to cross the river, but to station themselves in the broken and high grounds to the north-west. The right wing was directed to halt to the west of the lower gate. When Dost Beg and the Begs of the left wing were halting, after crossing the river, a hundred or a hundred and fifty foot sallied from the fort, and assailed them by discharges of arrows. The Begs, on their side, received the attack, and returned the discharge, chased back the enemy to the fort, and drove them under the ramparts. Mulla Abdalmalek of Khost madly pushed on his horse, and rode close up to the foot of the wall. If the scaling-ladders and Tura4 had been ready, and the day not so nearly spent, we should have taken the castle at that very time. Mulla Turk Ali, and a servant of Tengri Berdi, having each engaged in single combat with an enemy, took their antagonists, cut off their heads, and brought them back. Both of them were ordered to receive honorary presents. As the people of Bajour had never seen any matchlocks, they at first were not in the least apprehensive of them, so that when they heard the report of the matchlocks, they stood opposite to them, mocking and making many unseemly and improper gestures. That same day, Ustad Ali Kuli brought down five men with his matchlock, and Wali Khazin also killed two. The rest of the matchlockmen likewise showed great courage, and behaved finely. Quitting their shields, their mail, and their cowheads,1 they plied their shot so well, that before evening, seven, eight, or ten Bajouris were brought down by them; after which, the men of the fort were so alarmed, that, for fear of the matchlocks, not one of them would venture to show his head. As it was now evening, orders were given that the troops should be drawn off for the present, but should prepare the proper implements and engines, for assaulting the fortress in the morning twilight.

January 6.

1 Dr Leyden's translation here begins again.

2 The whole of the year 925 of the Hejira is included in A.D. 1519.

3 This valley is now called Jondol, or Jandol. It is about a day's journey from Bajour, to the north or north-east. The name of Chandul, however, is still known.

* The Tura, as has already been observed, were probably broad testudos, under cover of which the besiegers advanced to the storm.


On Friday, the 5th day of Moharrem, at the first dawn of light, orders were given January 7. to sound the kettle-drum for action. The troops all moved forward according to the stations assigned them, and invested the place. The left wing and centre having brought at once an entire Tura from their trenches, applied the scaling-ladders, and began to mount. Khalifeh, Shah Hassan Arghun, and Ahmed Yusef, with their followers, were ordered from the left of the centre, to reinforce the left wing. Dost Beg's men reached the foot of a tower on the north-east of the fort, and began undermining i and destroying the walls. Ustad Ali Kuli was also there, and that day too he managed his matchlock to good purpose; the Feringy2 piece was twice discharged. Wali Khazin also brought down a man with his matchlock. On the left of the centre, Malek Kutub Ali having mounted the walls by a scaling-ladder, was for some time engaged hand to hand with the enemy. At the lines of the main body, Muhammed Ali Jengjeng, and his younger brother Nouroz, mounted by a scaling-ladder, and fought bravely with spear and sword. Baba Yesawel, mounting by another scaling-ladder, busied himself in demolishing with an axe the parapet of the fort. Many of our people bravely climbed up, kept plying the enemy with their arrows, and would not suffer them to raise their heads above the works; some others of our people, in spite of all the exertions and annoyance of the enemy, and not minding their bows and arrows, employed themselves in breaking through the walls, and demolishing the defences. It was The fort

luncheon-time' when the tower to the north-east, which Dost Beg's men were under- br"chfd

and taken. mining, was breached; immediately on which the assailants drove the enemy before

them, and entered the tower. The men of the main body, at the same time, also mounted by their scaling-ladders, and entered the fort. By the favour and kindness of God, in the course of two or three hours, we took this strong castle. All ranks displayed

1 The cowheads were probably a kind of awning, covered with cow-hides, to admit of the matchlockmen loading in safety.

1 Much has been written concerning the early use of gunpowder in the East. There is, however, no well-authenticated fact to prove the existence of anything like artillery there, till it was introduced from Europe. Baber here, and in other places, calls his larger ordnance Feringi, a proof that they were then regarded as owing their origin to Europe. The Turks, in consequence of their constant intercourse with the nations of the West, have always excelled all the other Orientals in the use of artillery; and, when heavy cannon were first used in India, Europeans or Turks were engaged to serve ihem.

3 Chasht.

« 이전계속 »