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stance, Kamran received seventeen laks, Muhammed Zemân Mirza fifteen laks, Askeri Mirza1 and Hindâl, in a word, all my relations and friends, great and small, had presents sent them in silver and gold, in cloth, and jewels, and captive slaves. Many presents were also sent for the Begs in our old territories, and their soldiers. I sent presents for my relations and friends to Samarkand, Khorasân, Kashghâr, and Irâk. Offerings were sent to the Sheikhs (or holy men) in Khorasân and Samarkand, as likewise to Mekka and Medîna. To the country of Kabûl, as an incentive to emulation, to every soul, man or woman, slave or free, of age or not, I sent one shahrokhi2 as a gift.

bitants dis

ferent

chiefs.

When I first arrived in Agra, there was a strong mutual dislike and hostility between my people and the men of the place. The peasantry and soldiers of the country avoided and fled from my men. Afterwards, everywhere, except only in Delhi and Agra, the in- The inhahabitants fortified different posts, while the governors of towns put their fortifications affected to in a posture of defence, and refused to submit or obey. Kâsim Sambali was in Sambal, Baber. Nizâm Khan in Biâna, the Raja Hassan Khan Mewâti himself in Mewât. That infidel was the prime mover and agitator in all these confusions and insurrections. Their dif Muhammed Zeitûn was in Dhûlpûr, Tâtâr Khan Sarang-khani in Guâliâr, Hussain Khan Lohâni in Râberi, Kutab Khan in Etâwa, and in Kâlpi Ali Khân. Kunauj, with the whole country beyond the Ganges, was entirely in the possession of the refractory Afghâns, such as Nasir Khan Lohâni, Maaruf Fermûli, and a number of other Amîrs, who had been in a state of open rebellion for two years before the death of Ibrâhim. At the period when I defeated that prince, they had overrun, and were in possession of Kunauj and the countries in that quarter, and had advanced and encamped two or three marches on this side of Kunauj. They elected Behâr Khan, the son of Deria Khan, as their king, and gave him the name of Sultan Muhammed. Marghûb, a slave, was in Mâhâbun.3 This confederation, though approaching, yet did not come near for some time. When I came to Agra, it was the hot season. All the inhabitants fled from terror, so that we could not find grain nor provender, either for ourselves or our horses. The villages, out of hostility and hatred to us, had taken to rebellion, thieving, and robbery. The roads became impassable. I had not had time, after the division of the treasure, to send proper persons to occupy and protect the different Pergannas and stations. It happened too that the heats were this year uncommonly oppressive. Many men about the same time dropped down, as if they had been affected by the Simûm wind, and died on the spot.

in Baber's

On these accounts, not a few of my Begs and best men began to lose heart, objected Discontents to remaining in Hindustân, and even began to make preparations for their return. army. If the older Begs, who were men of experience, had made these representations, there would have been no harm in it; for, if such men had communicated their sentiments

1 Askeri and Hindâl were sons of Baber; Muhammed Zemân Mirza was a son of Badia-ez-zemân Mirza, the late Sultan of Khorasan.

2 Abul-fazl tells us, that eight laks of shahrokhis are equivalent to one krôr, 28 laks of dams, (Ayeen Akbery, vol. ii. p. 169,) which, allowing 40 dams to the rupee, makes it equal to 24 shahrokhis. This would give the shahrokhi the value of tenpence or elevenpence.

The Persian reads Mâhâwun.

Baber as-
sembles his
nobles,
and ad.
dresses

them.

to me, I might have got credit for possessing at least so much sense and judgment as, after hearing what they had to urge, to be qualified to decide on the expediency or inexpediency of their opinions; to distinguish the good from the evil. But what sense or propriety was there in eternally repeating the same tale in different words, to one who himself saw the facts with his own eyes, and had formed a cool and fixed resolution in regard to the business in which he was engaged? What propriety was there in the whole army, down to the very dregs, giving their stupid and unformed opinions? It is singular, that, when I set out from Kâbul this last time, I had raised many of low rank to the dignity of Beg, in the expectation, that if I had chosen to go through fire and water, they would have followed me back and forward without hesitation ; and that they would have accompanied me cheerfully, march where I would. It never surely entered my imagination, that they were to be the persons who were to arraign my measures, nor that, before rising from the council, they should show a determined opposition to every plan and opinion which I proposed and supported in the council and assembly. Though they behaved ill, yet Ahmedi Perwânchi and Wali Khâzin behaved still worse. From the time we left Kâbul, till we had defeated Ibrâhim and taken Agra, Khwâjeh Kilân had behaved admirably, and had always spoken gallantly, giving such opinions as befitted a brave man; but a few days after the taking of Agra, all his opinions underwent a complete change. Khwâjeh Kilân was now, of all others, the most determined on turning back.

I no sooner heard this murmuring among my troops, than I summoned all my Begs to a council. I told them that empire and conquest could not be acquired without the materials and means of war: That royalty and nobility could not exist without subjects and dependent provinces: That, by the labours of many years, after undergoing great hardships, measuring many a toilsome journey, and raising various armies; after exposing myself and my troops to circumstances of great danger, to battle and bloodshed, by the divine favour, I had routed my formidable enemy, and achieved the conquest of the numerous provinces and kingdoms which we at present held: "And now, what force compels, and what hardship obliges us, without any visible cause, after having worn out our life in accomplishing the desired achievement, to abandon and fly from our conquests, and to retreat back to Kâbul with every symptom of disappointment and discomfiture? Let not any one who calls himself my friend ever henceforward make such a proposal. But if there is any among you who cannot bring himself to stay, or to give up his purpose of returning back, let him depart." Having made them this fair and reasonable proposal, the discontented were of necessity compelled, however unwillingly, to renounce their seditious purposes. Khwâjeh Kilân not being disposed to remain, it was arranged, that as he had a numerous retinue, he should return back to guard the presents; I had but few troops in Kâbul and Ghaznin, and he was directed to see that these places were all kept in proper order, and amply supplied with the necessary stores. I bestowed on him Ghazni, Gerdêz, and the Sultan Masaûdi Hazâras; I also gave him the Perganna of Kehrâm in Hindustân, yielding a revenue of three or four laks. Khwâjeh Mîr Mirân was likewise directed to proceed

1 This sum, at forty dams to the rupee, and taking the rupee at two shillings, would be L.800 or L.1000 Sterling.

to Kâbul. The presents were intrusted to his charge, and put into the immediate custody of Mûlla Hassan Sirâf and Noukeh Hindû. Khwâjeh Kilân, who was heartily Khwâjeh tired of Hindustân, at the time of going, wrote the following verses on the walls of some houses in Delhi :

(Turki.)-If I pass the Sind safe and sound,

May shame take me if I ever again wish for Hind.

When I still continued in Hindustân, there was an evident impropriety in his composing and publishing such vituperative verses. If I had previously cause to be offended at his leaving me, this conduct of his doubled the offence. I composed a few extempore lines, which I wrote down and sent him.

(Tûrki.)—Return a hundred thanks, O Baber! for the bounty of the merciful God

Has given you Sind, Hind, and numerous kingdoms;

If unable to stand the heat, you long for cold;

You have only to recollect the frost and cold of Ghazni.

Kilân's

verses.

Baber's an.

swer.

At this period I sent to Koel, Mûlla Apâk, who had formerly been in a very low station, but who, two or three years before, having gathered together his brethren and a considerable body of other followers, had received the command of the Urûkzais and of several Afghân tribes on the banks of the Sind. I sent by him firmâns containing assurances of safety and protection, to the bowmen1 and soldiers about Koel. Sheikh Baber joinKûren, availing himself of these assurances, came voluntarily and entered into my Doa men service. He brought with him two or three thousand bowmen from the Doâb, who all joined my army.

2

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ed by some

Khan Fermuli.

The sons and clansmen of Ali Khan Fermuli, fell in with Yunis Ali, between And by Ali Delhi and Agra, at a time when he had mistaken the road and separated from Hûmâiûn; but, after a short engagement, were defeated, and the sons of Ali Khan made prisoners, and brought to the camp. At this juncture, I dispatched Mirza Moghûl, the son of Doulet Kedem the Turk, accompanied by one of the sons of Ali Khan, who had been taken prisoner, with firmâns containing assurances of protection and honour, to Ali Khan, who, during these commotions, had gone to Mewât. That nobleman returned back in his company. I received Ali Khan with distinction and kindness, and bestowed on him one of the most desirable Pergannas, worth twenty-five laks.3

Sheikh Ba

mud Khan,

Sultan Ibrâbim had sent Mustafa Fermuli and Firûz Khan Sarungkhâni, with By Firuz several other Amîrs, against the rebellious lords of the Purab (East). Mustafa had Khan, some well-fought and desperate actions with the rebels, and had given them several yezîd, Mahsevere defeats. He had died, however, before the defeat of Ibrâhim, and Sheikh Ba- and Kazi yezîd, his younger brother, had assumed the command in his room, while Ibrâhim was Jia. yet on the throne. Firûz Khan, Sheikh Bayezîd, Mahmûd Khan Lohani, and Kazi Jia, now entered my service. I bestowed on them honours and rewards beyond their expectations. To Firûz Khan I gave a grant of upwards of a kror out of Jonpûr; on Sheikh Bayezîd one of a kror from Oud; on Mahmûd Khan, nine laks and thirty-five thousand dams out of Ghâzipur, and on Kazi Jia twenty laks from Jonpûr.

3 Probably about £6250.

1 Terkishbend. 2 This seems to be the Ali Khan who held Kâlpi.

4

A kror may be about £25,000; nine laks and 35,000 dams, about £2440; twenty laks, nearly £5000.

Baber dis. ributes rewards to his

ficers.

gainst

Sambal :

A few days after the Id,1 or festival of Shawâl, we had a great feast in the grand hall, which is adorned with the peristyle of stone pillars, under the dome in the centre of Sultan Ibrahim's private palace. On that occasion, I presented Hûmâiûn with a charkob, a sword with the belt, and a tipchâk horse with a gold saddle. To Chin Taimur Sultan, to Mehdi Khwâjeh, and Muhammed Sultan Mirza, I gave a charkob, a sword with the belt, and a dagger. To the other Begs and officers I gave, according to their circumstances, a sword with a belt, a dagger, and dresses of honour; so that on the whole there were given one tipchâk horse with the saddle, two pairs of swords with the belts, twenty-five sets of enamelled daggers, sixteen enamelled kitârehs, two daggers (jamdher) set with precious stones, four pair of charkobs, and twenty-eight vests of purpet. On the day of the feast there was a great deal of rain; it rained thirteen times. Many of those who were seated on the outside were completely drenched.

I had at first bestowed the country of Samâneh on Muhammedi Gokultâsh, and sent Expedition him on a plundering expedition into Sambal. I had bestowed Hissar Firozeh on Hûmâiûn by way of gift, and now gave him Sambal likewise. As I had placed Hindû Beg in Hûmâiûn's service, I, therefore, in the room of Muhammedi, sent Hindû Beg, accompanied by Kiteh Beg, Malek Kâsim, and Bâba Kishkeh, with their brothers and relations," Mûlla Apâk, Sheikh Kuren, and the bowmen from the Doâb, with orders to proceed on duty to Sambal. Intimations had come three or four times from Kâsim Sambali, that the traitor Biban had laid siege to Sambal, and reduced him to the last extremity, so that it was desirable that they should advance by forced marches. Biban, with the same force and array with which he had fled from us, had occupied the skirts of the hills, collected the fugitive and discomfited Afghâns, and, finding the place ill garrisoned, during these troubles, had gone and laid siege to Sambal. Hindû Beg, Kiteh Beg, and the whole detachment that had been dispatched to the relief of the place, on reaching the Ahar-ford, 7 while busy in passing the river, sent on Malek Kâsim, and Bâba Kishkeh with his brothers, in advance. As soon as Malek Kâsim had crossed the river, he pushed on with great expedition, accompanied by a hundred or a hundred and fifty of his brethren, and reached Sambal about the time of noon-day prayers. Biban, on his side, drew out his men from his camp, and ranged them in order of battle. Malek Kâsim and his party having advanced rapidly, and got the fort in their rear, began to engage him. Biban, unable to keep his ground, took to flight. They killed a number of his men, whose heads they cut off, and took several elephants and a number of horses. Next morning, the Begs who had been sent to relieve the place arrived. Kâsim Sambali came out and had an interview with them, but made some difficulties as to giving up the fort, always contriving evasions. One day, Sheikh Kuren having concerted measures with Hindû Beg and the rest of the generals,

which is

taken.

1 The Id of Shawâl, it will be remembered, is celebrated at the conclusion of the Ramzan, on seeing the first new moon of Shawâl. In A.H. 932, it must have fallen about 11th July 1525. 2 Haram-serâi.

3

A square shawl, or napkin of cloth of gold, bestowed as a mark of rank and distinction.

+ The khanjer, kitareh, and jamdher, are peculiar kinds of daggers.

5 Sambal is a divison of Rohilkand.

6 That is, their clansmen.

7 The Ahar-ford is on the Ganges, a little above Anopsheher, or Anopshir.

& Clansmen.

brought Kâsim Sambali before them by stratagem, and introduced my men into the fort of Sambal. The family and dependants of Kâsim Sambali were suffered to leave the place in safety, and were conducted to Biâna.

Kalender Piâdeh was now sent to Nizâm Khan with letters, in which threats were Nizam mingled with promises. I wrote extempore, and sent the following fragment :

Contend not with Tûrks, O Mir of Biâna !!

The speed and bravery of Tûrks are surpassing.

Now is the time to present yourself, and to lend an ear to counsel.
What is the use of telling a man of what is before his eyes?

The fort of Biâna is one of the most famous in Hindustân; and the foolish man, confiding too much in its strength, had cherished expectations, and instructed his envoy to make demands, far beyond what he was able to command. I returned him a sharp answer by the man whom he sent to treat, and made every exertion to collect whatever was necessary for the siege.

Khan holds out Biâna.

Zeitun

I sent Baba Kûli Beg to Muhammed Zeitûn with letters, in which menaces were Muhammed mixed with conciliation. He likewise made excuses to waste the time, and practised holds out Dhûlpûr. a variety of artifices.

takes Kan

Although Rana Sanka,3 the pagan, when I was in Kâbul, had sent me an ambassa- Rana Sanka dor with professions of attachment, and had arranged with me, that, if I would march dår. from that quarter into the vicinity of Delhi, he would march from the other side upon Agra; yet, when I defeated Ibrâhim, and took Delhi and Agra, the pagan, during all my operations, did not make a single movement. After some time, he advanced and laid siege to Kandâr, the name of a fort which was held by Hassan, the son of Makon. Hassan Makon had several times sent me envoys, though Makon himself had not waited on me with his submissions. The forts around, such as Etâwa, Dhûlpûr, Guâliâr, and Biâna, were not yet in my possession. The Afghans to the eastward were in a state of rebellion and contumacy; they had even advanced two or three marches from Kunauj towards Agra, and had then encamped and fortified their position. I was by no means secure of the fidelity of the country immediately about us. It was impossible for me, therefore, to send any detachment to his relief; and Hassan, in the course of two or three months, having been reduced to extremity, entered into a capitulation, and surrendered the fort of Kandâr.

5

1 Biâna, which lies south-west from Agra, was formerly one of the most important places in India, from its vicinity to the capital, which it defended on the side of the Rajpût states.

2 Muhammed Zeitûn held Dhûlpûr, which lies south from Agra, on the Chambal, and is a very strong place.

3 Rana Sanka, the Raja of Udipûr, had made the principal Rajpût states dependent upon him. He had enlarged his dominions by the conquest of several provinces in Malwa, that had formerly belonged to the King of Mandu; and was, upon the whole, the most formidable opponent whom Baber had to dread.

Kandâr is a strong hill-fort, a few miles east of Rantambôr.

These are the chief forts to the south of Agra. Etâwa lies on the Jumna, between Agra and Kâlpi. Guâliâr is a celebrated hill-fort, well known as the prison of the princes of the house of Taimur, and the chief place in Gohud.

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