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Ráberi

Hussain Khan, who was in possession of Râberi,1 being seized witha panic, abangiven to Muhammed doned the place, and made his escape. I bestowed it upon Muhammed Ali JengAli Jeng Jeng.

Jeng.
Etawa

given to
Mehdi
Khwajch.

Dhulpar
given to
Sultan
Junid

Birlas.

Baber holds « council.

I had several times summoned Kutab Khan, who was in Etâwa, to come out and wait upon me; but he neither waited upon me nor surrendered the fort. I now bestowed the fort of Etâwa on Mehdi Khwâjeh, and sent along with him Muhammed Sultan Mirza, Sultan Muhammed Dûldi, Muhammed Ali Jeng-Jeng, Abdal-azîz, the master of horse, with some other Begs, several of my inferior Begs and adherents, and a number of other troops, to occupy the place. I had lately bestowed Kunauj2 on Sultan Muhammed Duldi; but, in the meanwhile, I ordered him also to march against Etâwa, accompanied by Firôz Khan, Mahmûd Khan, Sheikh Bayezîd, Kazi Jia, and the Begs of their party, to whom I had shown great favour, and given Pergannas on the side of Purab.

Muhammed Zeitûn continued in Dhûlpûr, and, under various false pretences, would neither leave the place nor make his submission. I bestowed Dhûlpûr3 on Sultan Junîd Birlâs, and appointed Adil Sultan, Muhammedi Gokultâsh, Shah Mansûr Birlâs, Kûtluk Kedem, Wali Jân Beg, Abdalla, Pir Kûli, and Shah Hussain Bargi, to proceed against that place, giving them instructions to assault and take it by storm, and to deliver it into the custody of Sultan Junîd Birlâs; after which they were to march against Biâna.

Having appointed these armies to proceed in execution of their various objects, I sent for the Tûrki nobles and those of Hind, and held a consultation. I stated to them that the rebellious lords in the east, Nasir Khan Lohani, Maarûf Fermuli, and their adherents, had passed the Ganges, to the number of forty or fifty thousand men, had occupied Kunauj, and advanced and encamped two or three marches on this side of it; that the Pagan Rana Sanka had taken Kandâr, and was in a state of open disobedience and revolt; that the rainy season was now nearly over; that it seemed expedient and necessary to march against either the rebels or the pagans; that it would be an easy matter to reduce the neighbouring forts after getting rid of these formidable enemies; that then they would cost no trouble; that Rana Sanka was not, upon the whole, a very formidable enemy. All unanimously answered, that Rana Sanka as the was not only far off, but that it was not even plain that it was in his power to come near us: that the rebel chiefs had advanced closer up to us; that to repulse them should be our first object; and they therefore begged to be led against that enemy. Hûmâiûn represented, that it was quite unnecessary for the Emperor to accompany the expedition, and asked to be permitted to undertake the service. All having agreed in this plan, and the Türki Begs, as well as those of Hind, being pleased with the arrangement, it was settled that Hûmäiûn should march towards the east, with the armies

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· Raberi was a plag of importance on the Jumna, below Chandwir,

* Kunen), or Canonge, a famous city on the Ganges, about the 27th degree of N. Lat. It lies on the night bank of the rivets

`14 will be observed, that the greater part of these government, bezuvel by Baber, were of places > 20 de cami aerod

that had been appointed to proceed against Dhûlpûr; and Kâbuli Ahmed Kâsim was in consequence despatched with all speed, to make these armies change the course of their march, so as to meet Hûmâiûn in Chandwâr. Mehdi Khwâjeh, Muhammed Sultan Mirza, and the armies that had been sent against Etâwa, were likewise ordered to march and form a junction with Hûmâiûn.

es to the

On Thursday, the 13th of Zilkadeh, Hûmâiûn marched to the village of Jilisir, who march sixteen kos from Agra, where he encamped. Having halted there one day, he pro- eastwerd. ceeded march after march towards the enemy. On Thursday, the 20th of the same Aug. 21. month, Khwajeh Kilan took leave on setting out for Kâbul.

makes a

yond the

lace.

Aug. 28. It always appears to me, that one of the chief defects of Hindustân is the want of Baber artificial water-courses.3 I had intended, wherever I might fix my residence, to con- garden near struct water-wheels, to produce an artificial stream, and to lay out an elegant and Agra, beregularly planned pleasure-ground. Shortly after coming to Agra, I passed the Jumna; Jumna with this object in view, and examined the country, to pitch upon a fit spot for a garden. The whole was so ugly and detestable, that I repassed the river quite repulsed and disgusted. In consequence of the want of beauty, and of the disagreeable aspect of the country, I gave up my intention of making a charbagh; but as no better situation presented itself near Agra, I was finally compelled to make the best of this same spot. I first of all began to sink the large well which supplies the baths with water; I next fell to work on that piece of ground on which are the ambli (or Indian tamarind) trees, and the octangular tank; I then proceeded to form the large tank and its inclosure; and afterwards the tank and tâlâr3 (or grand hall of audience) that are and a pain front of the stone palace. I next finished the garden of the private apartments, and the apartments themselves, after which I completed the baths. In this way, going on, without neatness and without order, in the Hindu fashion, I, however, produced edifices and gardens which possessed considerable regularity. In every corner I planted suitable gardens; in every garden I sowed roses and narcissuses regularly, and in beds corresponding to each other. We were annoyed with three things in Hindustân: one was its heat, another its strong winds, the third its dust. Baths were the means of removing all three inconveniences. In the bath we could not be affected by the winds. During the hot winds, the cold can there be rendered so intense, that a person often feels as if quite powerless from it. The room of the bath, in which is the tub or cistern, is finished wholly of stone. The water-run is of white stone; all the rest of it, its floor and roof, is of a red stone, which is the stone of Biâna. .Khalîfeh, Sheikh Zîn, Yunis Ali, and several others, who procured situations on the banks of the river, made regular and elegant gardens and tanks, and constructed wheels after the fashion of Lahore and Debâlpûr, by means of which they procured a supply of water. The men of Hind, who had never before seen places formed on such a plan, or laid out with so

1 Chandwâr lies on the Jumna below Agra, and above Etâwa.

2 There are several places of this name. The one in question is below Agra, on the Jumna.

3 Ab-rewân may be running water.

* In Persia and India, a house or palace is always understood to be comprehended under the name of garden.

* Tâlâr is an apartment open in front, and supported on pillars. It is frequently a hall of audience.

Baber ex

cavates a wâîn in

Agra.

The Af

ghâns of the east fall

back from Jajmâu.

much elegance, gave the name of Kâbul to the side of the Jumna on which these palaces were built.

There was an empty space within the fort (of Agra), between Ibrâhim's palace and the ramparts. I directed a large wâîn to be constructed on it, ten gez by ten. In the language of Hindustân, they denominate a large well, having a staircase down it, wâîn. This wâîn was begun before the charbagh was laid out; they were busy digging it during the rains, but it fell in several times, and smothered the workmen. After my holy war against Rana Sanka, as is mentioned in the Memoirs, I gave orders for finishing it, and a very excellent wâîn was completed. In the inside of the wâîn there was constructed an edifice of three different stories. The lowest story has three open halls, and you descend to it by the well; the descent is by means of a flight of steps, and there is a passage leading to each of the three different halls. Each hall is higher than the other by three steps. In the lowest hall of all, at the season when the waters subside, there is a flight of steps that descends into the well. In the rainy season, when the water is high, the water comes up into the uppermost of these halls. In the middle story there is a hall of carved stone, and close by it a dome, in which the oxen that turn the water-wheel move round. The uppermost story consists of a single hall. From the extremity of the area that is at the top of the well, at the bottom of a flight of five or six steps, a staircase goes off from each side to this hall, and proceeds down to its right side. Straight opposite to the entrance is a stone, containing the date of the building. By the side of this well, a shaft or pit has been dug, in such a way, that the bottom of it is a little higher than the middle of the well. The cattle, moving in the dome that has been mentioned, turn a water-wheel, by which the water is raised from the one well into the other well or shaft. On this last-mentioned shaft they have erected another wheel, by which the water is raised to a level with the ramparts, and flows into the upper gardens. At the place where the staircase issues from the well, they have built a house of stone; and beyond the inclosure that surrounds the well, a stone mosque has been built; but it is ill built, and after the style of Hindustân.

By the time that Hûmâiûn had made some progress in his march, Nasîr Khan Lohâni, Maarûf Fermuli, and the rebel lords, had assembled and encamped at Jajmâu.2 Hûmâiûn, when about fifteen kos3 off, sent Mûmin Atkeh, in order to gain intelligence, and to push on, to plunder and beat up their quarters. He could not get any accurate information of their motions, but the rebels, having notice of his approach, took to flight, without waiting for his appearance. Hûmâiûn sent out Kasimnâi with Bâba Chehreh and Buchkeh, after Mûmin Atkeh, in order to get intelligence. They brought news of the panic and flight of the enemy; whereupon, Hûmâiûn advanced and occupied Jajmâu, from whence he proceeded onward. When he arrived near Dilmâu,* Fateh Khan Fateh Khan Sirwâni came and made his submission. He sent that nobleman to me, accompanied by Mehdi Khwâjeh and Muhammed Sultan Mirza.

Sirwâni

submits.

Transac

tions in Khorasan.

This same year, Abîd Khan raised an army, and advanced from Bokhâra against

1 Upwards of twenty feet square.

↑ Jajmâû is in the Doâb, below Kawnpor.

3 About twenty-three miles.

* Dilmâu stands on the left bank of the Ganges, south-east from Bereilli.

Khan suc

Mozeffer, in

Merv. Ten or fifteen peasants, who were in the citadel of Merv, were taken and put to the sword. Having settled the revenue of Merv, he, in the course of forty or fifty days, proceeded against Sirakhs. In Sirakhs he found about thirty or forty Kizelbashes, who shut the gates, and refused to give up the fort. The inhabitants being divided in their affections, some of them opened a gate, by which the Uzbeks entered, and put all the Kizelbashes to the sword. Having taken Sirakhs, he moved upon Tûs and Meshhid. The inhabitants of Meshhid, having no means of defence, submitted. Tûs was blockaded for eight months, and finally surrendered on capitulation, the terms of which were not observed; all the men in the place being put to the sword, and the women reduced to slavery. This same year Behâder Khan, the son of Sultan Mozeffer of Gujrât, succeeded his Behåder father in the throne of Gujrât, of which country he is now king. Upon some differ- ceeds his faence with his father, he had fled to Sultan Ibrâhim, by whom he was treated with great ther, Sultan slight; during the time that I was in the vicinity of Pânipat, I received from him Gujrat. letters asking for assistance. I returned him a gracious and encouraging answer, inviting him to join me. He at first intended to wait upon me, but afterwards changed his plan, and, separating from Ibrâhim's army, took the road of Gujrât. His father, Sultan Mozeffer, having died at this very crisis, his elder brother Sekander Shah, the Short reign eldest son of Sultan Mozeffer, succeeded his father in the throne of Gujrât. In consequence of his bad conduct, one of his slaves, Emâd-al-mûlk, conspired with some others, and put him to death by strangling him. They then sent for Behâder Khan, who was still on the road, and on his arrival, placed him in his father's throne, under the name of Behâder Shah. This prince acted rightly in enforcing the law of retaliation, by putting to death Emâd-al-Mûlk, who had behaved so treacherously; but unfortunately, besides this, he put to death a number of his father's Amîrs, and gave proofs of his being a blood-thirsty and ungovernable young man.

of Sekander

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 933.

Faruk.

In the month of Moharrem,' Beg Weis arrived with news of the birth of Farûk; al- Birth of though a messenger on foot had previously brought me the news, yet Beg Weis came this month for the purpose of communicating the good tidings. He was born on August 2. Friday eve, the 23d of the month of Shâwâl, and named Farûk.

Kuli casts a

I had directed Ustâd Ali Kuli to cast a large cannon, for the purpose of battering Ustad Ali Biâna, and some other places which had not submitted. Having prepared the forges large canand all the necessary implements, he sent a messenger to give me notice that every- non. thing was ready. On Monday, the 25th of Moharrem, we went to see Ustâd Ali

1 Moharrem, A.H. 933, began on 8th October 1526.

2

? Moharrem 25th, November 1, happens on a Thursday. There is probably an error in the text, of Doshembeh for Penjshembeh.

Hümâiûn's

ed.

Kûli cast his gun. Around the place where it was to be cast were eight forges, and all the implements in readiness. Below each forge they had formed a channel, which went down to the mould in which the gun was to be cast. On my arrival, they opened the holes of all the different forges. The metal flowed down by each channel in a liquid state, and entered the mould. After waiting some time, the flowing of the melted metal from the various forges ceased, one after another, before the mould was full. There was some oversight either in regard to the forges or the metal. Ustâd Ali Kûli was in terrible distress; he was like to throw himself into the melted metal that was in the mould. Having cheered him up, and given him a dress of honour, we contrived to soften his shame. Two days after, when the mould was cool, they opened it. Ustâd Ali Kûli, with great delight, sent a person to let me know that the chamber of the gun for the shot was without a flaw, and that it was easy to form the powder chamber. Having raised the bullet-chamber of the gun, he set a party to work to put it to rights, while he betook himself to completing the powder chamber.1

Mehdi Khwâjeh, who had received the charge of Fateh Khan Sirwâni from Hûmâiûn, brought him to court. He had parted from Hûmâiûn at Dilmau. I gave Fateh Khan a favourable reception, and bestowed on him the Pergannahs of his father, Azîm Hûmâiûn, with some places in addition, to the value of a kror and sixty laks.2 In Hindustân it is customary to bestow on the Amîrs who are in the highest favour certain titles. One of these is Azîm Hûmâiûn; another is Khan Jehân; another Khan Khânân. His father's title was Azîm Hûmâiûn. As I saw no propriety in any one's bearing this title except Hûmâiûn himself, I abolished it, and bestowed the name of Khan Jehân on Fateh Khan Sirwâni.1

5

On Wednesday, the 20th of Sefer, I erected awnings on the banks of the tank, on the side above the tamarind trees, and had a feast, when I invited Fateh Khan Sirwâni to a drinking party, made him drink wine, invested him with a turban, and a complete dress of honour from head to foot, and, after distinguishing him by these marks of favour and grace, gave him leave to return to his own country. It was arranged that his son Mahmûd Khan should always remain at court.

On Wednesday, the 24th of Moharrem, Muhammed Ali Haider Rikâbdâr was desarmy recall-patched with all speed to Hûmâiûn, to desire him, as the army of the rebels of the October 31. Purab (east) had been put to flight and dispersed, that, immediately on Muhammed Ali's arrival, he should proceed to Jonpûr, leave in the place some Amîrs adequate to the trust, and then immediately set out with his army in order to rejoin me; that the Pagan Rana Sanka had taken advantage of the absence of the army, to approach very close upon me, and was now the first object to be attended to.

1 It would appear, from this account, that cannon were sometimes made of parts bound or clamped together. They were frequently formed of iron bars strongly compacted into a circular shape. The description, however, is not very distinct.

About £40,000 sterling.

3 These titles signify the Mighty August, the Lord of the World, and the Lord of Lords.

4 In the original Fateh Ali Sirwâni.

* 26th November is a Monday. The text should probably be 22d Sefer, (28th November.)
The siropâ was a complete dress of honour, consisting of a robe, and some other articles.
7 Jûnpur, Jûnapûr, or Jionpûr, a considerable city north-west of Benares.

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