Khan's ex Biana. After the army had marched to the eastward, I had ordered Terdi Beg, Kûch Beg, Alim with his younger brother, Shîr-efken, and Muhammed Khalil Akhtehbegi, with his pedition brothers and Akhtajian,' Rustom Turkoman with his brothers, as well as other chiefs against of Hindustân, and Rao Wadi Sirwâni, to proceed to plunder and lay waste the country about Biâna: if they could prevail on the garrison in the fort by any assurances of safety and indemnity to join me, they were to do it; if this failed, they were to waste and plunder the country, and to reduce the enemy to as great distress as possible. Alim Khan, who was in the fort of Tehenger, was an elder brother of Nizâm Khan of Biâna. Repeated messengers had come from him, bringing professions of submission and allegiance. This Alim Khan undertook, if I would give him charge of a body of troops, to bring all the archers of Biâna to listen to terms of capitulation, and to deliver Biâna into my hands. I gave instructions to the troops who had been sent on the plundering expedition along with Terdi Beg, that as Alim Khan, who was a Zemindâr of consequence, had undertaken this duty and service, they should be guided by his advice and opinion in whatever regarded the reduction of Biâna. Though many of the men of Hindustân are brave swordsmen, yet they are extremely ignorant and inexperienced in the art of war, and in the disposition and conduct of their force as commanders. This Alim, who was accompanied by the whole of our detachment, paid no attention to a single word that fell from anybody, and with a total indifference as to what was expedient and what was not, carried it close up to Biâna. The detachment consisted of two hundred and fifty, or nearly three hundred Tûrks, and somewhat above two thousand Hindustânis, and men from different quarters. Nizâm Khan, with his Afghâns, and the troops of Biâna, amounted to above four thousand horse, with upwards of ten thousand infantry. Observing the advance of our troops, He is sur and perceiving the error which Alim had committed, they made a sudden sally with prised and their whole force; and being much superior in numbers, charged the detachment at full speed, and put them to flight in a moment. Alîm Khan Tehengeri, who was Nizam Khan's elder brother, was taken prisoner, with five or six others. In spite of this, I still consented to overlook Nizâm Khan's past offences, and again sent him letters, offering him terms and assurances of indemnity. As soon as he had certain information of the near approach of Rana Sanka the Pagan, seeing no remedy, he sent for Syed Rafaa, and, byhis mediation, delivered up the fort to my troops; after which he Biana suraccompanied the Syed to the presence, and was graciously received and taken into my service. I bestowed on him a Perganna of twenty laks in the Doâb. Dost IshekAgha had been sent to take the temporary command of Biâna till a governor was appointed. A few days after, I appointed Mehdi Khwâjeh to the charge, with an allowance and appointment of seventy laks, and sent him to his government. 5 taken. renders. Tâtâr Khan Sarangkhâni, who held Guâliâr, had repeatedly sent messengers with Guáliar professions of submission and attachment. After the Pagan had taken Kandâr, and 1 D'Herbelot explains akhtaji to mean a vassal who holds lands of a superior lord. In voce Akhtagi. This is probably the Mehdi Khwâjeh who married a daughter of Baber's, and who afterwards aspi red to the throne. taken by stratagem. About £17,500. Dhulpur also surrenders. The Pani when he was approaching Biâna, one of the Rajas of Guâliâr, Dermenket, and one Khan Jehân, a Pagan, came into the vicinity of Guâliâr, and began to attempt, by raising an insurrection and gaining a party, to produce a defection and seize the fortress. Tâtâr Khan finding himself in considerable difficulty, was willing to deliver up the fort to me. My Begs and confidential servants, as well as the greater part of my best men, had all been sent off with the armies, or in various scattered detachments. I, however, despatched Rahîmdâd with a party of Behreh-men and Lahoris, and made Imshiji Tinkitar with his brothers accompany them, having previously assigned Pergannas in Guâliâr to the whole party. I likewise sent along with them Mûlla Apak and Sheikh Kuren, who were directed to return after establishing Rahîmdâd in Guâliâr. When they got near Guâliâr, Tâtâr Khan had changed his mind, and would not suffer them to enter the fort. At this period Sheikh Muhammed Ghûs, well known as a Derwîsh, and celebrated for his piety, and whose followers and disciples are very numerous, sent a man from the fort to Rahîmdâd, to advise him to procure admission any way that he could; that Tâtâr Khan's intentions were changed, and that now he was resolved to hold out. Rahîmdâd, on receiving this information, sent in notice that he was afraid to remain without, from dread of the Pagans; and proposed that he should be allowed to enter the fort with a few of his men, while the rest staid without the walls. After much entreaty, Tâtâr Khan assented to this arrangement. Rahimdâd had no sooner secured his own admission, and that of a few of his men, than he requested that some of his people might be permitted to attend at the gate, which was granted; and accordingly some of his people were stationed at the Hastiapol, or Elephant-gate. That very night he introduced the whole of his men by that gate. In the morning Tâtâr Khan, seeing that there was no help for it, surrendered the fort very unwillingly, and came and waited upon me at Agra. I assigned for his support the Perganna of Biâwan, with twenty laks. ' 1 Muhammed Zeitûn likewise, seeing that nothing could be done, surrendered Dhûlpûr, and came and waited on me. I bestowed on him also a Perganna of several laks, and made Dhûlpûr an imperial domain, bestowing the Shekdari2 (or military collectorship) of it, on Abul Fateh Tûrkomân, whom I sent to Dhûlpûr. In the neighbourhood of Hissâr Firôzeh, Hamîd Khan Sarangkhâni, and a party of Afghans in the Pani Afghâns, having collected a number of Afghâns and others from the countries around, to the number of three or four thousand men, were in a state of open and active revolt. fest HissårFirôzeh Novem. 21. On Wednesday the 15th of Sefer, I ordered Chin Taimur to take with him Sultan Ahmedi Perwânchi, Abul Fateh Tûrkomân, Malekdâd Kerrani, and Majâhid Khan Mûltâni, and to proceed with a light-armed force against these Afghâns. They accordingly set out, and advancing by a circuitous road, fell upon the Afghâns, whom Defeated. they completely routed, and killed a number of men, whose heads they cut off, and Embassy from Persia. sent to me. In the end of the month of Sefer, Khwâjehgi Asad, who had been sent into Irâk, on 1 About £5000. 2 The Shekdar was a kind of military collector of the revenue. a mission to the Prince Tahmâsp, returned accompanied by a Tûrkomân, named Sulimân, bringing several curiosities of the country, as presents. Among these were two Circassian female slaves. On Friday the 16th of the first Rabîa, a strange occurrence happened. As the par- Decem. 21. ticulars are circumstantially detailed in a letter which I wrote to Kâbul, the letter it- Attempt to self is inserted here, without adding or taking away. It was as follows: poison Baber. letter. "A very important incident happened on Friday the 16th day of the first Rabîa, in Baber's the year 933. The circumstances are these:-The mother of Ibrâhim, an ill-fated lady, had heard that I had eaten some things from the hands of natives of Hindustân. It happened in this way. Three or four months ago, never having seen any of the dishes of Hindustân, I desired Ibrâhim's cooks to be called, and out of fifty or sixty cooks, four were chosen and retained. The lady, having heard the circumstance, sent a person to Etâweh to call Ahmed, the taster, whom the Hindustânis call Bekâwel, and delivered into the hands of a female slave a tola2 of poison, wrapped up in a folded paper, desiring it to be given to the taster Ahmed. Ahmed gave it to a Hindustâni cook who was in my kitchen, seducing him with the promise of four Pergannas, and desiring him, by some means or other, to throw it into my food. She sent another female slave after the one whom she had desired to carry the poison to Ahmed, in order to observe if the first slave delivered the poison or not. It was fortunate that the poison was not thrown into the pot, it was thrown into the tray. He did not throw it into the pot, because I had strictly enjoined the tasters to watch the Hindustânis, and they had tasted the food in the pot while it was cooking. When they were dishing the meat, my graceless tasters were inattentive, and he threw it upon a plate of thin slices of bread; he did not throw above one half of the poison that was in the paper upon the bread, and put some meat fried in butter upon the slices of bread. If he had thrown it above the fried meat, or into the cooking pot, it would have been still worse; but in his confusion, he spilt the better half of it on the fire-place. "On Friday, when afternoon prayers were past, they dished the dinner. I was very fond of hare, and ate some, as well as a good deal of fried carrot. I was not, however, sensible of any disagreeable taste; I likewise ate a morsel or two of smoke-dried meat, when I felt nausea. The day before, while eating some smoke-dried flesh, I had felt an unpleasant taste in a particular part of it. I ascribed my nausea to that incident. The nausea again returned, and I was seized with so violent a retching, two or three times while the tray was before me, that I had nearly vomited. At last, perceiving that I could not check it, I went to the water-closet. While on the way to it my heart 1 Cherkes or Circassians. 2 The tola is about the weight of a silver rupee. 3 The account of the management of the imperial kitchen as contained in the Ayeen Akbery, is curious. "Ordinary people are not permitted to enter the kitchen."-" During the time of dressing and taking up the victuals, an awning is spread over the top of the kitchen, and care taken that nothing falls therefrom. The cooks tuck up the sleeves and the skirts of their garments, and hold their hands before their mouths and nostrils. Before the victuals are taken up, a cook and one of the inferior Bekâwels taste them; after which they are tasted by the Mir Bekawel, and then put into dishes." "The Mîr Bekâwel puts his seal upon every dish," &c.—Ayeen Akbery, vol. I. p. 62, where the whole arrangement may be seen. rose, and I had again nearly vomited. When I had got in front of the water-closet I vomited a great deal. "I had never before vomited after my food, and not even after drinking wine. Some suspicions crossed my mind. I ordered the cooks to be taken into custody, and desired the meat to be given to a dog, which I directed to be shut up. Next morning about the first watch, the dog became sick, his belly swelled, and he seemed distressed. Although they threw stones at him, and shoved him, they could not make him rise. He remained in this condition till noon, after which he rose and recovered. Two young men had also eaten of this food. Next morning they too vomited much, one of them was extremely ill, but both in the end escaped. (Persian.)-A calamity fell upon me, but I escaped in safety. I came from the other world,— I was again born from my mother's womb. (Turki.)-I was broken and dead, but am again raised to life; Now, in the salvation of my life, I recognise the hand of God. "I ordered Sultan Muhammed Bakhshi to guard and examine the cooks, and at last all the particulars came to light, as they have been detailed. "On Monday, being a court day, I directed all the grandees and chief men, the Begs and Vazîrs, to attend the Diwân. I brought in the two men and the two women, who, being questioned, detailed the whole circumstances of the affair in all its particulars. The taster was ordered to be cut to pieces. I commanded the cook to be flayed alive. One of the women was ordered to be trampled to death by an elephant ; the other I commanded to be shot with a matchlock. The lady I directed to be thrown into custody. She too, pursued by her guilt, will one day meet with due retribution. On Saturday I eat a bowl of milk. I also drank some of the makhtum flower, brayed and mixed in spirits. On Monday I drank the makhtum flower, and Teriâke Farûk,1 mixed in milk. The milk scoured my inside extremely. On Saturday, as on the first day, a quantity of extremely black substance, like parched bile, was voided. Thanks be to God, there are now no remains of illness! I did not fully comprehend before that life was so sweet a thing. The poet says, (Tûrki.)—Whoever comes to the gates of death, knows the value of life. "Whenever these awful occurrences pass before my memory, I feel myself involuntarily turn faint. The mercy of God has bestowed a new life on me, and how can my tongue express my gratitude? Having resolved with myself to overcome my repugnance, I have written fully and circumstantially everything that happened. Although the occurrences were awful, and not to be expressed by the tongue or lips, yet by the favour of Almighty God, other days awaited me, and have passed in happiness and health. That no alarm or uneasiness might find its way among you, I have written A. D. 1526. this on the 20th of the first Rabîa, while in the Charbagh." Decem. 25. These Teriâks are antidotes used to avert the effects of poison. mother Kâbul. leaves Sul tan Junid When I had recovered from this danger, I wrote and sent this letter to Kâbul. As Ibrahim's the ill-fated princess had been guilty of so enormous a crime, I gave her up to Yunis confined. Ali, and Khwâjeh Asad, to be put under contribution. After seizing her ready money and effects, her male and female slaves, she was given to Abderrahîm's charge, to be kept in custody. Her grandson, the son of Ibrâhim, had previously been guarded with Ibrahim's the greatest respect and delicacy. When an attempt of so heinous a nature was dis- son sent to covered to have been made by the family, I did not think it prudent to have a son of Ibrâhim's' in this country. On Thursday the 29th of the first Rabîa, I sent him to A. D. 1527. Kamrân along with Mûlla Sirsân, who had come from that prince on some business. January 3. Hûmâiûn, who had proceeded against the rebels of the East, having taken Jonpûr, .Hûmâiûn marched expeditiously to Ghazipûr, for the purpose of attacking Nasîr Khan. The Afghâns in that quarter, on getting notice of his approach, passed the river Sirû.3 The in Jonpûr, light detachment of the army, that had advanced, marched back again, after plundering the country. Hûmâiûn then arranged everything as I had directed. He left Sultan Junîd and a body of his best troops, to support Shah Mîr Hussain in Jonpûr. He also ordered Kazi Jîa to remain behind, and left Sheikh Bayezîd in Oud. Having left these posts well fortified, and with every means of defence, he crossed the Ganges at Kureh-Manikpur, and marched by way of Kalpi to join me. Alim Khan Jilâl Khan Jighet, who was in Kalpi,5 had sent letters of submission, but had not himself come to court. Hûmâiûn, on arriving opposite to Kalpi, sent a person who removed all distrust from his mind, and Alim Khan accompanied Hûmâiûn and was introduced to me. On Sunday the 3d of the last Rabîa, Hûmâiûn waited on me in the garden of And rejoins Baber at the Hesht-Behisht. That very same day Khwâjeh Dost Khâwend arrived from Kâ- Agra. Agra. bul. January 6. of Rana Biana. sent to the succour of At this time messengers began to come close upon each other from Mehdi Khwâjeh, Approach to announce that the Rana Sanka was undoubtedly on his march, and had been joined Sanka toby Hassan Khan Mewâti; that it was become indispensably necessary to attend to their wards proceedings, in preference to every other object. That it would be beneficial to my affairs if a detachment could be sent on, before the Grand Army, to the assistance of Detachment Biâna. In order, therefore, to harass the Rana's army, I pushed on before me towards Biâna, a light force, under the command of Muhammed Sultan Mirza, Yunis Ali, Biâna. Shah Mansûr Birlâs, Kitteh Beg, and Kismi Bûjkeh. Nâher Khan, a son of Hassan Khan Mewâti, had fallen into my hands in the battle with Ibrâhim; I had kept him as a hostage, and his father, Hassan Khan, had ostentatiously maintained a correspond- He is joined ence, and constantly asked back his son. Many imagined, that if I gratified Hassan by Hassan Khan by sending his son to him, he would be extremely sensible of the obligation, and Alwâr. 1 It is worthy of notice, that Baber refrains from mentioning his name. 2 Ghazipûr is east from Jonpûr, on the left bank of the Ganges, and like that city is in Behar. 3 The Sirwu or Sirjoo, is a branch of the Goger or Gogra, which joins it a little above Oud. Baber, however, applies that name to the joint stream, till it falls into the Ganges. 4 Kureh-Manikpur, so called to distinguish it from another Kureh or Currah, is about twenty miles above Allahâbâd on the Ganges, Kureh or Currah being on the right bank, and Manikpur higher up on the left. 5 Kâlpi stands on the right bank of the Jumna, between Agra and Allahâbâd, and has always been a place of consequence. Khan of |