sea. In the heat and hurricane of their zeal for liberty, they stop: without delay they offer to march: their march waits only for the commands of the Castle. The Castle, where the sagacious courtier had abandoned his uniform, finds it prudent to receive a self-armed association. This age has beheld, posterity will admire-wonder! The dele gates of that self-armed association proceed to the mansion of the Government, ascend the steps, advance to the presence of the Lord Lieutenant, and make a tender of their lives and fortunes, with all the form and reception of an authenticated establishment. A painter might here display and contrast the loyalty of a Courtier with that of a Volunteer. He would paint the Courtier hurry ing off his uniform, casting away his arms, filling his pockets with public money, and then presenting to his Sovereign naked servitude. He would paint the Volunteer, seizing his charters, handling his arms, forming his columns, improving his dis cipline, demanding his rights, and then at the foot of the Throne, making a tender of armed allegiance; he had no objection to die by the side of England, but he must be found dead with her Charter in his hand. Stationed as you are in rela+ tion to the community, and these great objects, how do you mean to proceed-submit, and take the lead in desertion? Impossible! The strength which supports your virtue, precludes your apostacy.

The armed presence of the nation will not bend, the community in arms will not be sold, nor suffer the eternal blessing of freedom and renown to depend on the experiment, whether this scoundrel shall be a pensioner, or that pick-pocket a peer. Before you decide upon the practicability of being slaves for ever, look to America. Do you see nothing in that America, but the grave and prison of your armies? And do you not see in her range of territory, cheapness of living, variety of climate, and simplicity of life-the drain of Europe?

Whatever is bold and disconsolate, sullen virtue, wounded pride-all, all to that point will precipitate; and what you trample on in Europe, will sting you in America. When Philadelphia, or whatever city the American appoints for empire, sends forth her ambassadors to the different kings of Europe, and manifests to the world her independency and power, do you imagine, that you will persuade Ireland to be satisfied? Satisfied with a refusal to her loyalty of the privileges which England granted to the arms of America, how will the individuals among you like this? Some of the gentlemen whom I now see in their places, are the descendants of kings-the illustrious gentleman on the far bench-my illustrious friend near me-will they derogate from the royalty of their lineage, or bow their honoured heads, and acknowledge the crown of their ancestors on the brow of every

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forty-shilling freeholder in England, or on every front except that of his Majesty? Are the American enemies to be free, and these royal subjects to be slaves? or in what quality does his Majesty choose to contemplate the Irish hereafter, his subjects in parliament, or his equals in congress?

There remains, then, but one measure-establish. the independency of your Parliament. What do you wait for? Do you wait for a peace-till the volunteer retires, and the minister replies by his cannon? the Stag frigate is now in harbour,your or do you wait for more calamities on the fortunes of England-till the empire is a wreck, and we both go down together? or do you delay till Providence, beholding you on your knees, shall fall in love with your baseness, and rain on your servility Constitution like manna. You resort to the House of God when you want heat or moisture, and interfere with God's dispensations by your importunities. Are the Princes of the earth more vigilant than the Almighty, that you should besiege the throne of mercy, and hold it unnecessary to admonish the King; or do you wait till your country speaks to you in thunder? Let me conclude by observing, that you have the two claims before you the claim of England to power, and of Ireland to liberty; and I have shown you that England has no title to that power to make laws for Ireland. None by nature, none by compact, none

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by usage, and none by conquest; and that Ireland has several titles against the claims of England,-a title by nature, a title by compact, a title by divers acts of parliament, a title by charter, and by all the laws by which England possesses her liberties,-by England's interpretation of these laws, by her renunciation of conquest, and her acknowledgment of the law of original compact.

[He then moved the Declaration of Right, as he had done in April, 1780.-The motion was negatived.]