not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have used language calculated to make the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal, "Give me liberty or give me death," he expressed a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men. Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none has used words so offensive to those who hold their fellows in political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonists must choose between liberty and slavery. Or, if the statute of limitations has run against the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defence of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest are forgotten.

Some one has said that a truth once spoken can never be recalled. It is true.

It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening influence. But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or spoken in defence of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God Himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master.

Lincoln said that the safety of this nation was not in its fleets, its armies, its forts, but in the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands, everywhere, and he warned his countrymen that they could not destroy this spirit without planting the seeds of despotism at their own doors.

Those who would have this nation enter upon a career of empire must consider not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also calculate its effects upon our own nation.

We cannot

repudiate the principle of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here.

Even now we are beginning to see the paralyzing influence of imperialism. Heretofore, this nation has been prompt to express its sympathy with those who were

fighting for civil liberty. While our sphere of activity has been limited to the Western hemisphere, our sympathies have not been bounded by the seas. We have felt it due to ourselves and to the world, as well as to those who were struggling for the right to govern themselves, to proclaim the interest which our people have, from the date of their own independence, felt in every contest between human rights and arbitrary power. Three-quarters of a century ago, when our nation was small, the struggles of Greece aroused our people, and Webster and Clay gave eloquent expression to the universal desire for Grecian independence. In 1896 all parties manifested a lively interest in the success of the Cubans, but now when a war is in progress in South Africa, which must result in the extension of the monarchical idea, or in the triumph of a republic, the advocates of imperialism in this country dare not say a word in behalf of the Boers. Sympathy for the Boers does not arise from any unfriendliness toward England; the American people are not unfriendly toward the people of any nation. This sympathy is due to the fact that we believe in the principles of selfgovernment and reject, as did our forefathers, the claims of monarchy.

Our opponents, conscious of the weakness of their cause, seek to confuse imperialism with expansion, and have even dared to claim Jefferson as a supporter of their policy. Jefferson spoke so freely and used language with such precision that no one can be ignorant of his views. On one occasion he declared: "If there be one principle more deeply rooted than any other in the mind of every American, it is that we should have nothing to do with conquest." And again he said: "Conquest is not in our principles; it is inconsistent with cur government."

The forcible annexation of territory to be governed by arbitrary power differs as much from the acquisition of territory to be built up into States as a monarchy differs from a democracy. The Democratic party does not oppose expansion, when expansion enlarges the area of the republic and incorporates land which can be settled by American citizens, or adds to our population people who are willing to become citizens and are capable of discharging their duties as such. The acquisition of the Louisiana territory, Florida, Texas and

other tracts which have been secured from time to time, enlarged the republic and the Constitution followed the flag into the new territory.

It is now proposed to seize upon distant territory already more densely populated than our own country, and to force upon the people a government, for which there is no warrant in our Constitution or our laws. Even the argument that this earth belongs to those who desire to cultivate it and who have the physical power to acquire it, cannot be invoked to justify the appropriation of the Philippine Islands by the United States. If the islands were uninhabited, American citizens would not be willing to go there and till the soil. The white race will not live so near the equator.

Republicans ask: "Shall we haul down the flag that floats over our dead in the Philippines?" The same question might have been asked when the American flag floated over Chapultepec and waved over the dead who fell there, but the tourist who visits the City of Mexico finds there a national cemetery owned by the United States and cared for by an American citizen.

Better a thousand times that our flag in the Orient give way to a flag representing the idea of self-government than that the flag of this republic should become the flag of an empire.

X.

IMPERIALISM TALK A MERE MASK.

THE

BY SENATOR GEORGE F. HOAR.

HE anti-imperialism of Mr. Bryan and that of his party is but a mask-it is a mask to cover the things they have had most at heart from the beginning-it is a mask to cover their purpose to establish the free coinage of silver, a mask to cover their purpose to bring in free trade, a mask to cover their purpose to overthrow the banking system, a mask to cover an attack on the Supreme Court, and a purpose to reorganize it if they can get the opportunity.

Mr. Bryan's defence of his course in procuring the ratification of the treaty by which the Philippine Islands were acquired from Spain is exceedingly weak and lame. It will not bear examination for a moment. He put forth all his power as a great party leader, the last candidate of his party for the Presidency and then reasonably sure to

be the next candidate, to secure the ratification of the treaty. His conduct is as if some general in the Revolutionary army, a great leader of the people like Washington or Greene, had given up West Point to the British and had induced the Continental Congress to declare that King George was our lawful, sovereign and the British Parliament our lawful legislature, on the plea that he wanted to stop the war, and expected afterward to get some votes through one or the other house of British Parliament granting us independence.

Mr. Bryan is not to get the reward of this conduct if I can help it. I do not give him my confidence in this matter. He says that if he is elected he will call an extra session at once and propose to Congress to give up the Philippines to their own people. He is too intelligent not to know very well that this talk is the idlest and most ridiculous nonsense. He knows he could not expect either house of Congress to do this thing until the people of the Philippine Islands have abandoned their opposition and have established an orderly government under our protection. He knows that if there should be a Democratic majority in the House of Representatives equal to his wildest hopes, and if the Republican majority in the Senate should be reduced to two, or wiped out altogether, so that it should be a tie-which is, I suppose, beyond his most sanguine expectations-there are still earnest and pledged imperialists enough in the Democratic party to prevent any such action.

The ratification of the treaty with Spain was in itself a declaration of war upon the people of the Philippines, and for that war Mr. Bryan is more responsible than any other single person since the treaty left the hands of the President.

I must have something better than these declarations against imperialism from the candidate who secured the passage of the treaty and baffled all efforts made against it before I am ready to purchase his election at the cost of having a government that will sympathize with the disfranchisement of 10,000,000 of Americans at home, that will stand for dishonoring the currency, for the violation of national faith, for the overthrowing of the banking system and the establishment of an income tax, for assailing the integrity of the Supreme Court, for sympathizing everywhere with Populism

and Socialism, and which will be a substitute for the prosperity which has brought comfort into the homes of our workingmen, which has cleared off the indebtedness of the farmer, which has brought England herself to our shores as a borrower, which has made the balance of trade on our side, and established forever the independence of American manufacture.

XI.

THE PROHIBITION KEYNOTE.

BY JOHN G. WOOLLEY.

'HE great issue in this country is not

THE

the prohibition of the liquor traffic, but the political infidelity that underwrites the liquor traffic at so much a quarter of a year. It is nothing less than this, the nomination and the election by the votes of a free people, of a simple, certain, eternal, spiritual standard in the politics of the great republic, in lieu of the mixed, variable, temporary, fleshly, beastly atheism of this present time.

Some of you are saying, "Come now, come now, you have dreamed in public long enough; wake up and give up something practical." My Christian fellow citizens, I do not need to be told that this is high, hard politics that I am preaching to you, but so far as I am concerned it is that or nothing, until the times change. For thirteen years I have preached it in every corner of our country, without a break, without a rest, without a vacation, without a scent of victory; and for thirteen more years, God helping me, I will preach it, nor let it down the thickness of a hair for any man or any audience or any party.

The political philosopher who voted for gold because silver was dishonest and who now proposes to vote for silver because expansion is suspected to be unconstitutional, may be an excellent citizen and an honest man, but he is not in my class. It is a perfectly legitimate thing and worthy of any man who feels called to do it, to flail out upon the threshing-floor of expediency the price lists and per cents and poor rates and police reports and prison statistics of the Prohibition argument, but, so far as I can see, the only hope in the world for this cause of ours, or for this country of ours, is the spread of the everlasting political gospel that first, and last and all the time,

whatever happens, the government of the United States must do right.

For the introduction and the inculcation of a high, new spiritual ideal in the government three things are necessary: First, a group of good citizens already inspired by the idea; secondly, a party organization, or otherwise a sentiment condenser, and, thirdly, an issue which embodies the idea. The men need not be of the great, but they must be moral Casabiancas, who cannot be made to stir by fear or fire or friendship until the right voice be heard, and who are ready to stand or fall for the idea, no matter how long its complete fruition may be delayed.

We come now to the frontier of practical politics. The first thing we meet is the Republican party, the Pluto of the political Olympus. It has put on the whole armor of the world the flesh and the graveyard; it has girded its loins with the liquor traffic; it has on the breast-plate of commercialism; its feet are shod with the preparation for the hell of war; it has taken the shield of prosperity with which it has been able, and still hopes, to quench all the fiery resolutions of the church. It wears the helmet of the trusts and the sword of the spoils system. The first and last condition of membership in it is individual immorality. A man who would serve it or be served by it, must be ready to be collared and tagged and muzzled and smothered like a dog in dog days; he must be willing to be concluded, intellectually and morally, by "the least of two evils;" he must be willing to walk in the council of the ungodly, stand in the way of sinners and sit in the seat of the scornful; he must be willing to deny the honor of his church and repudiate his own Christian profession; he must be ready to be a partaker of other men's crimes; he must be ready to take the price of a bawd for a boy; he must be willing to justify the wicked for a reward.

The Democratic party to all intents and purposes is just a rear elevation of the same thing. The Populist party and the Socialist party are more or less sublimated forms of materialism, which would abolish the long, hard, necessary pick-and-shovel business of evolution and build a better order, from the roof down.

I accuse neither one of them of being dishonest, not at all; they are every one of them honest enough, but according to

standards that are not high enough. One of them is true to capital, the other is true to the proletariat; one of them says: "Let us make money! Though we destroy men's bodies and damn their souls, though we debauch women and make them harlots, though we poison little children and make them beggars and paupers and vagrants and criminals, let us make money!" And the others say: "Let us ALL make money!" But, the fundamental spirit of this government says: "Let us make man."

Since high Christian ideals cannot be erected in politics, in the abstract, we must have an issue. It must be a practical question with honor on one side and dishonor on the other side and a sharp line between the two. Common law and common sense agree to that, to prevent mistrials, misunderstandings and delays. Conscience is an imperfect thing, as yet, and easy to be deflected from the main line; the issue must be kept simple and certain and single. It must be plainly grounded on religion, for greater certainty and greater simplicity, and for the additional reason that no non-suit is possible in such a case. A religious question is never disposed of until final judgment is entered at the court of last resort. The Republican party says: "You shall not debauch the currency." The Democratic party says: "You shall not diminish the currency," and the Prohibition party says: "You shall not sell the conscience of a MAN."

Where are the kind of men that I have been talking about? In the Prohibition party. Where else? Nowhere else. I take that back; they are coming to the Prohibition party this fall, from the Republican party and the Democratic and the Socialist and the Populist parties-they are coming, honest men driven to us by conscience, who come not for money nor for expansion nor for trusts nor for anything but the honor of the church of Jesus Christ.

XII.

MAKING APPLE BUTTER.

WHAT'S the prince of occupations in

the autumn on the farm?

What's the job that sways the scepter 'mid the sweet October's charm? Hark! I hear somebody mutter: "Why, it's makin' apple butter,"