MARCH 15, 1832.] The Tariff. [SENATE. centum exacted on some descriptions of salt. Sir, Appian or Flaminian ways; no roads paved or McAdamI will tell you the reasons of all these enormities, and ized; no canals, except what are made upon borrowed I will prove it to you besides. It is the tariff which does means; no aqueducts; no bridges of stone across our init! It is the tariff, which, giving birth to a race of re- numerable streams; no edifices dedicated to eternity; no graters in the seaports, and monopolizers in the interior, schools for the fine arts: not a public library which an orthrows all the foreign salt into the hands of one set, and dinary scholar would not apologize. And why none of all the domestic salt into the hands of the other; and en-those things? Have the people of the West no taste ables the two classes to fix their own prices, and to exact for public improvements, for the useful and the fine arts, what they please for every variety of the article, without and for literature? Certainly they have a very strong regard to the difference in cost or quality. taste for them; but they have no money! not enough The tariff does it, and this is the process: A vessel ar- for private and current uses, not enough to defray our currives from the dominions of a foreign Power with salt. rent expenses, and buy necessaries! without thinking of Before a permit can be obtained to land it on the soil of public improvements. We have no money! and that is the United States, the duty must be paid in ready money, a tale which has been told too often here--chanted too or bond and security given to pay it in nine months. If paid dolefully in the book of lamentations which was composed in ready money, the interest for nine months is discounted; for the death of the Maysville road--to be denied or if credit is taken, the principal and securities in the bond suppressed now. They have no adequate supply of moare all required to be citizens of the United States. This ney. And why? Have they no exports? Nothing to send is the law. Now for the practical operation of the law. abroad? Certainly they have no exports. Behold the The importer who has brought this salt to sell, and which marching myriads of living animals annually taking their he wishes to sell at four, five, six, seven, eight, or nine departure from the heart of the West, defiling through cents a bushel, did not bring along with him spare cash at the gorges of the Cumberland, the Alleghany, and the the rate of ten cents a bushel, (which is the present duty,) Appalachian mountains, or traversing the plains of the to pay the American Government before he can sell his South, diverging as they march, and spreading themselves salt to American citizens. He, therefore, cannot pay the all over that vast segment of our territorial circle which duty in ready money. Credit becomes his only resource; lies between the debouches of the Mississippi and the esand, to get American securities to his bond, the salt must tuary of the Potomac! Behold, on the other hand, the be sold or consigned to American citizens. This throws the flying steamboats, and the fleets of floating arks, loaded whole foreign sait trade into the hands of a few men, who with the products of the forest, the farm, and the pasture, make it their business, and their profit, either to go secu- following the course of our noble rivers, and bearing their rity and take the salt to sell, or to buy it at once out of freights to that great city which revives, upon the banks the hands of the importer, and assume the duties to the of the Mississippi, the name of the greatest of the empeGovernment. And this is the practical operation of the rors that ever reigned upon the banks of the Tiber, and law. Having all the salt in their own hands, the next who eclipsed the glory of his own heroic exploits by thing is to fix the price, and that is done by adding the duty giving an order to his legions never to levy a contribution to the cost, and putting as many hundred per cent. as of salt upon a Roman citizen! Behold this double line of they please upon both, for their profit, and this brings the exports, and observe the refluent currents of gold and price to forty or fifty cents. This is the process of the silver which result from them! Large are the supplies-regrater in the seaport; the monopolizer in the interior millions are the amount which is annually poured into keeps pace with his brother; and, between the two, the the West from these double exportations; enough to cofarmer pays four prices for his bushel of salt, and then ver the face of the earth with magnificent improvements, gets a weighed bushel of fifty pounds, measuring little and to cram every industrious pocket with gold and silver. more than half a bushel, instead of a measured bushel, But where is this money? for it is not in the country! Where weighing from seventy-six to eighty-four pounds. Such does it go? for go it does, and scarcely leaves a vestige is the operation of the tariff upon the price of salt! of its transit behind! Sir, it goes to the Northeast! to the Abolish the duty, and introduce a free trade, and what seat of the American system! there it goes! and thus it goes! would be the consequence? Why, sir, the importer would 1. To pay our proportion of twenty-eight millions of never fall into the hands of the regraters. He would duties, and eight or ten millions of merchants' profit upon land his salt without a permit-without tax-without those duties, levied upon foreign articles under the operabond-and sell it in the river, or at the wharf, to any one tion of the high tariff system. 2. To pay for all the dothat would buy it; or he would ascend into the interior mestic goods which we purchase, and for which the mawith it, bartering his salt with the farmers, against their nufacturers will receive nothing from our merchants but provisions, and that at first cost, without duty, or advance money. 3. It goes to pay our heavy proportions of the upon cost and duty. The manufacturer would have millions which are expended in making roads and canals, a fair price for the domestic article; for freight would erecting break waters, digging harbors, building sea walls, operate as a protection, and be equal to a duty of near and stretching causeways to Smutty Nose island, in the twenty cents, and give a better profit upon their capital Northeast. 4. It goes to pay for public lands; for which than farmers and planters are receiving. This would be the state of our salt trade if the duty was abolished; and every interest of the farmer requires the abolition. object about three millions of dollars were taken from us last year; and the American system, as we have been lately told, means to keep up that enormous levy for two of her favorite objects. 5. Above all, it goes to supply that British institution-that real head and horns of the American system, miscalled Bank of the United Stateswith perennial supplies of hard money; and to pay her the sixty days' collection in advance of interest, bank interest, on twenty-six millions of bank debt; half of it in domestic bills of exchange, a sort of fiscal metempsychosis --now, a promissory note in the interior; next, a draft on the seaboard--and gathering usance at each transmigration with a rapidity of accumulation which might excite I pass on to another topic. The fine effects of the high tariff upon the prosperity of the West have been celebrated on this floor: with how much reason, let facts respond, and the people judge! I do not think we are indebted to the high tariff for our fertile lands and our navigable rivers; and I am certain we are indebted to these blessings for the prosperity we enjoy. In all that comes from the soil, the people of the West are rich. They have an abundant supply of food for man and beast, and a large surplus to send abroad. They have the comfortable living which industry creates for itself in a rich soil; but, beyond this, they are poor. They have none of the splendid works • Derived thus; New Orleans-Regent, Duke of Orleans-Orleans, in which imply the presence of the moneyed power! No France-Aurelianum, in Gaul-Aurelian, Emperor. SENATE.] The Tariff. [MARCH 15, 1832. the cupidity of old Shylock himself, and make him lift his public debt; the proceeds of all the lands--those bought head from Pluto's dreary realms, to admire and envy. In from France, as well as those received from the Statesthese five ways, the West is regularly stripped of its ef- were pledged to the payment of the public debt. The fective cash. The American system carries it off. The debt is paid! and, in the millennium of its extinction, in Jong arms of that system pick up her gold and silver, as the national jubilee of a great nation freed from national an elephant's proboscis would lift a pin. They pluck her debt, the farmers of the West hoped to come in for a clean; they pick her to the bone! and the only remedy is share of the enjoyment! they hoped for relaxation in the to amputate some of these arms, and shorten the others. arbitrary price of public lands. They hoped for reducReduce the duties from twenty-eight millions to about tion in the price of the soil, and for donations and settletwelve; reduce the price of the public lands, and make ment rights. But it seems that the American system has donations to settlers and to the States, for public purposes; cast her eye over the wide extent of our public domain. give us a barter instead of a cash trade for goods; let us have She has surveyed the unsold acres! She has marked them good woollens, at low price, for tobacco, instead of inferior for her own! The devouring cry of the Triumvirate soldiers ones, at double price, for cash; stop our heavy contributions on the banks of the Po, is to resound through the forest to Atlantic seaboard improvement; get rid of the bank debt, and the prairies of the West: Hæc mea sunt!--and the and its desolating exactions for interest, and usury, and suggestion of the Secretary of the Treasury (Mr. Mc hard money. Do us these favors, or rather this justice, Lane) "to dispense with the public lands as a source of and the West will soon fill up with gold and silver. It will revenue," is stigmatized in advance as the maddest of all have money enough, and good enough, for it will consist mad and wild conceptions. Sir, I do not mention this subof the precious metals. Public objects and private wants ject to go into this discussion now; an appropriate time will find their ample and their adequate supply. The is coming for that purpose in the discussion of the gradureturns from our exports will make us as rich in money as ation bill, which is next in order; but I mention it to have we are in produce. an opportunity to notice the stigma which has been cast I hope, Mr. President, I have justified my assertion that upon the plans of myself and friends, and to pledge there is no danger of the least harm, much less of total myself to their vindication-to pledge myself to prove, at destruction, to our domestic industry, from the operation the proper time, that the plans which have been denouncof reducing our revenues to the wants of the Government. ed as "mad" and "wild," are the plans of reason and The spectre of desolation, so frightfully paraded before justice, approved by the wisdom of all ages, sanctioned us, vanishes before a few plain facts; before the single fact, by the practice of all nations, called for by the imploring that nearly the whole of these manufactures are going voice of the new States, and due to the necessities of their abroad, without protection, which are to die at home, if a actual condition. hair of their protection is touched. The reason alleged I proceed, Mr. President, to the second branch of my against this reduction of revenue ceases to exist. The argu-subject, namely, the principle on which the reduction of ment is nullified by facts; and the question stands naked be- revenue should be made. Sir, I advocate a system of disfore us for final decision. Will this Congress redeem the criminating duties. I am for regulating foreign commerce pledge upon which the unlimited and irresponsible power according to the theory of the constitution, and according of taxation was obtained from the States? Will it abolish to the united intentions of all those who framed and ratified the sixteen millions now raised on account of the public that instrument. I go back to the true intent of the condebt, and no longer wanted for that debt? Will it keep stitution, and ask for the execution of the clause which the faith of the Congress of the confederation, and of the authorizes Congress to regulate foreign commerce. These fathers of the constitution? Or will it establish "the ana-are the words: " Congress shall have power to regulate logy between the principle and the fact," between the commerce with foreign nations, among the several States, principle of tyranny contained in the power to levy taxes and with the Indian tribes." But here comes a difficulty. without limitation of time, without stint of quantity, and This word, regulate, is a stumblingblock to Congress: its without accountability for its expenditure, and the fact of meaning is the puzzle of the day. Some suppose it authe actual exercise of that power? This is the naked thorizes Congress to levy duties, for the support of the question which stands before us! And I, sir, who know, Government; as if the power to levy duties was not exfrom the lessons of all history, that no free Government pressly given in another place! Some suppose it contains ever broke into fragments, or sunk into monarchy, until a power to establish and protect manufactures. Sir, such civil rulers had prepared it for destruction, and exaspe- interpretations are enough to make the ghosts of our anrated the people to madness, will take public faith, and cestors shriek from their graves! Look at the words! see equal justice, and amicable concession, for my guides on the word "regulate" applied to the commerce between this occasion. I will vote for relief to the burden-bearing the States, and with the Indians, as well as to the comportions of this confederacy-substantial, visible, and tan-merce of foreign nations, and tell me if it is not bound to gible relief to the South, where I was born; to the West, receive the same interpretation in each application. If where I live; I will vote for the reduction of revenue, until sixteen millions of taxes are abolished. you can raise revenue from foreign goods, under that clause, you can also raise upon it-upon every article I do not now go into the articles on which this reduction which passes from State to State. If you can protect domesshould fall; but there is one article, most pre-eminently tic manufactures against foreign manufactures, under that entitled to a place in the list of reductions, which has, clause, you can also protect the manufactures of the States nevertheless, been held up here for hard and permanent against each other; and if any of the State manufactories taxation-which has been so ostentatiously claimed as a are in danger of being eclipsed by the superior productions permanent source of revenue, that I should be recreant to of the Indian tribes, we can grant protection against their my principles and my duty, and insensible to a public de- competition also. The monstrosity of these interpretafiance, if I did not notice it. I allude to the public lands;tions would be properly exposed by bringing in bills to and to that new revelation of the beauties of the Ameri- regulate commerce between South Carolina and Connec can system, which is to keep up their price to an arbitrary ticut, and taxing the manufactures of Connecticut two height, and appropriate their proceeds to seaboard im- hundred per cent. to raise revenue for the Government, provement in the Northeast, (for to that complexion has and protect the manufactures of South Carolina! and to our internal improvement system degenerated,) and to the regulate our trade with the Indians, by extending our colonization of free negroes upon the coast of Africa. Sir, high tariff system to the baskets and wampums, the buckthese lands-a large part of them--were given by Virgi- skin leggings, beaded mocasins, and buffalo robes, of our nia, North Carolina, and Georgia, for the payment of the red neighbors, to defend our infant manufactories of coarse MARCH 15, 1832.] The Tariff. [SENATE. woollens, leather boots and shoes, and domestic ribbons as now, heavily dutied our exports, than upon imports and home-made baskets, from the formidable competition from France, who received them on favorable terms. His of the Kickapoos and Assinaboins. resolutions went, if I may so express myself, to the estaNo, sir, such madness never entered the heads of our blishment of two tariff's; one for friends, the other for foes, ancestors. The meaning of this clause was just as well with an offer to all nations to take their choice; with a understood by the framers of the constitution, as we un- wish that all should choose the better; and with the alterderstand the letters of the alphabet. To levy duties was native of paying the penalty, if they chose the worse, and one power; to regulate commerce was another. The incurred the heavier duties. The sole object of this disregulations of foreign commerce, in their understanding, crimination, and, by consequence, the sole object of the signified the acquisition of beneficial markets abroad for clause to regulate foreign commerce, was to obtain better our domestic productions; to be effected by discriminating markets abroad for our exports. He tells you--no, he duties, founded in a principle of reciprocity, and which tells those who framed the constitution, and who ratified should measure back to every nation the same degree of it-that, but for this object, the constitution would never favor or disfavor to its commerce, which itself measured have been adopted! He declares that these fruits, namely, out to ours. This was the sense of the phrase, when the the acquisition of better markets abroad, were expected convention proposed, and the States ratified, this grant of to have been the first effects of the new Government; and power to the Federal Government. How do I know that? expresses his own astonishment, and proclaims the disapI know it from the most authentic sources; from the vene-pointment of the people, that four years had elapsed, and rable records of our early history; and the concurrent these fruits had not been gathered. This was in January, authority of all the fathers of the constitution. I know it, 1794; and had no law for laying duties on foreign mer1st. From the history of the proceedings in the Congress chandise then been passed? Yes, certainly! the fundaof the confederation, which led to the adoption of the con- mental act of July, 1789, establishing the whole customstitution. 2d. From the debates in the federal conven-house system; also the act of 1792, which repealed that tion. 3d. From the debates in the State conventions which of 1789, and established the whole system over again; and, ratified the constitution. 4th. From the eleventh number besides these two general acts, fourteen subsidiary ones of the Federalist, written by General Hamilton. 5th. From for the collection of duties had been passed. These acts the letter of President Washington, in October, 1879, to did both the things which are contended for under the Mr. Gouverneur Morris, then our informal minister in new-fangled interpretation of the regulating clause; first, London. 6th. From the report of Mr. Jefferson, in the they levied duties; and, second, they encouraged domestic year 1793, on the commerce and navigation of the United manufactures! Yet Mr. Madison, who was himself the States. 7th. From Mr. Madison's resolutions for the regu- leading supporter of these acts, declares, in the face of lation of foreign commerce in the year 1794. 8th. From those who framed and who ratified the constitution, that his (Mr. Madison's) speeches in support of those resolu- Congress exercised no power under the clause to regulate tions. 9th. From the speeches of all the members who foreign commerce! a most authentic declaration that the took part in the extended debate to which those resolu- power to levy duties was not a power to regulate foreign tions gave rise. Such are the sources-a part only of the trade! But let us proceed with the speech: sources--from which I draw proofs to sustain my reading! "As to the discrimination proposed between nations of the constitution. I do not produce all these proofs to the Senate: they are at hand, but time forbids the production. A few only will I use, and begin with some extracts from Mr. Madison's speeches in favor of his famous resolutions. Hear him! having, or not having, commercial treaties with us, the principle was embraced by the laws of most if not all the States, whilst the regulation of trade was in their hands. It had the repeated sanction of votes in the House of Representatives, during the session of the present Govern"This subject, as had been remarked on a former oc- ment at New York. It has been practised by other nations, casion, was not a novel one. It was coeval with our poli- and, in a late instance, against the United States. It tends tical birth, and has, at all times, exercised the thoughts to procure beneficial treaties from those who refuse them, of reflecting citizens. As early as the year succeeding by making them the price of enjoying an equality with the peace, the effect of the foreign policy which began to other nations in our commerce. It tends, as a conciliatory be felt in our trade and navigation, excited universal at- preference, to procure better treaties from those who tention and inquietude. The first effort thought of was have not refused them." an application of Congress to the States for a grant of Here, sir! See the whole operation and natural effect power, for a limited time, to regulate our foreign com- of the discriminating policy is beautifully and briefly laid merce, with a view to control the influence of unfavorable down. The nation which refuses to trade with us upon regulations in some cases, and to conciliate an extension fair terms-which refuses to take our productions at all, of favorable ones in others. From some circumstances, or loads them with heavy and oppressive duties, incurs then incident to our situation, the experiment did not the penalty of her own selection. She incurs a discrimitake effect. * Out of this experience nation of duties; and her products will pay higher in our grew the measures which terminated in the establishment own ports than the productions of more friendly nations. of a Government competent to the regulation of our com- The prejudice which she incurs will be of her own selec mercial interests, and the vindication of our commercial tion, not of our infliction. It will continue while she rights. As these were the first objects of the people in the steps taken for establishing the present Government, they were universally expected to be among the first fruits of its operation. In this expectation, the public were disappointed." pleases, and no longer; and, while it does continue, will rest upon the unimpeachable basis of a wise, a just, and a constitutional reciprocity. A discrimination of five to ten per cent. was contemplated by Mr. Madison, in the year 1794; that same amount of discrimination may be sufficient Sir, this extract establishes my reading of the constitu- now. But I do not fix the amount. It is a practical question. It shows what was meant by the phrase, regulate. tion for merchants to decide. Whatever will turn the It shows that to control the influence of unfavorable regu- scale of commerce, in the same article, between different lations in some countries, and to conciliate an extension nations, will be sufficient. It will doubtless accomplish of favorable ones in others, was the object, and discrimi- now what it would have accomplished in 1794; it will connating duties the means, of accomplishing this double pur- trol the policy of unfriendly nations; it will conciliate prepose--for the resolution of Mr. Madison turned exclusively ferences, and obtain beneficial treaties from those who upon discrimination--upon the establishment of a higher withhold them. There is nothing in the state of our comrate of duties upon imports from Great Britain, who then,mercial relations with foreign nations to impede the adopVOL. VIII.--37 SENATE.] The Tariff. [MARCH 15, 1832. tion of this policy. The common stipulations, to be found upon a level with all nations. The high tariff policy then in every treaty, for all the advantages granted to the most has failed; it has had its trial, and not succeeded. Far friendly Powers, always imply the same terms; and the from succeeding, it has aggravated the evil it professed to discriminating policy sets out with offering the same terms counteract. Then abandon it; return to revenue duties, to all, and ends with leaving the option to themselves. and commence the policy of discrimination. Tax all imBesides, our treaties are temporary, all requiring frequent ports fairly for revenue, and incidental protection for renewals, and subject to daily alterations; and, with the home industry, and make a discrimination of five or ten principal commercial Power (Great Britain) our treaty per cent. to the prejudice of those who will not make fair is nothing but a temporary arrangement, determinable at and friendly treaties with us. My word for it—no, not my a short notice from either party. There is nothing, then, word-the word of Mr. Madison, the act of Mr. Pitt, for in our political relations to embarrass us; still less in the it-she will relax. She will grant to a discriminating duty commercial situation of the world; for that is most pro- of six or seven per cent. which she refuses to the whole pitious to our design in the universal tranquillity which power of the high tariff policy. prevails; and, as for ourselves, we actually have a crisis We will read again: at home which demands its adoption. rests without a due respect, either for our interests, or for our rights. He (Mr. M.) could not but view the pre "The only remaining hope that can induce Great BriLet us continue the reading of Mr. Madison's speech:tain to persevere in the plan of conduct she has adopted "It had been asked, what grounds there were for con- towards the United States, lies in the supposed difficulty cluding that Great Britain would be led by the measure of reconciling the different interests and local prejudices. 'proposed to change her policy towards the United States. The present occasion will decide whether this hope shall He thought we had the best ground for relying upon also be withdrawn from her; or whether she is to be in'such an effect. It is well known that when she appre-spired with fresh confidence in pursuing her own inte'hended such measures would be taken, she manifested ' a readiness to admit a greater reciprocity into the com'merce between the two countries. A bill for the pur-sent as, perhaps, the final chance of combining the 'pose was brought into the House of Commons by the opinions and interests of the several quarters of the 'present minister, Mr. Pitt, and would probably have Union in some proper and adequate plan. If, at a mo'passed into a law, if hopes had not sprung up that they ment when so many occurrences conspire to unite the ⚫ should be able to maintain their exclusive system. Knox, public councils; when the public mind is well disposed 'an under-secretary, appears, from a collection of papers, to second all equitable and peaceable means of doing 'published by him, to have been the chief adviser in the justice to our country, and when our commerce is so 'cabinet, as Lord Sheffield was the great champion before critically important to the vital resources of Great Bri'the public of this experiment; (to maintain their exclu-tain, it should be found that nothing can be done, he 'sive system, and dispense with Mr. Pitt's bill.) It was ⚫founded, according to both these witnesses, (among other 'causes,) on the belief that the General Government was 'so weak that it could not execute a plan of retaliatory ' restrictions; and that local interests and prejudices pre'dominated so much among the States that they would 'never even agree to make the attempt." 6 could foresee no circumstances under which success was But such was the end of their deliberations. I pause, Mr. President, in this important reading to make a remark. It is upon that eternal objection to the attempt of a measure which is founded upon its anticipated unsuccess. It is an insidious objection, tending to pro-lutions of Mr. Madison were rejected! rejected by the duce what it professes to reprehend. It is a fugitive ob- slender majority of five votes! and history, the inexorable jection, flying from the solid argument, which cannot be voice of history, has set down that majority to the influmet, to the delphic annunciation of the sinister event, ence of unhappy causes, to the germination of political which no man can foretell. It is often an objection in fa- parties, which then began to sprout into existence, and, vor of a foreign interest, by exciting and stimulating a soon afterwards, attained so large a growth. The resoluforeign Power to counteract our policy. Thus it was in tions were rejected; and the predictions of Mr. Madison the period of our history to which Mr. Madison alludes. have been fatally fulfilled. It was the last chance (at Mr. Pitt had yielded. He had actually brought a bill into least for forty years) for attempting any regulation of Parliament to admit a greater reciprocity into our com-commerce. The wars of the French revolution ensued, mercial relations. That bill, says Mr. M., would probably and all the decrees and orders of France and Great Brihave passed into a law. But an under-secretary, who tain, which grew out of these wars, and which were so probably had his under-correspondents in America, advis- fatal, for so many years, to all commercial arrangements. ed the British cabinet that the local interests and preju- Then came our own embargo and the war with England, dices of the States would never permit them to agree in out of which grew the high tariff policy; in the prosecu any plan of discriminating duties. The bill of Mr. Pitt tion of which all idea of the constitutional design of reguwas withdrawn. No law was passed. The under-secre- lating commerce seems to have been totally lost. The tary was right. He had good intelligence from America. consequences have been such as Mr. Madison foretold. Forty years have passed away, and no discriminating du- The restrictive system of Great Britain has been pursued ties have ever been established. England has not relaxed and followed up. She has doubled her restrictions upon her restrictive system; on the contrary, she has drawn its us! she has riveted her fetters upon our commerce! Far bonds doubly tight. The increase of our tariff duties, from relaxing in her high duties when we add to ours, she tenfold beyond the rate proposed by Mr. Madison, has follows our example, and raises hers still higher! thus had no effect upon her restrictive system, except to tighten producing a real contest for mutual mischief! thus it. And why? Why should five or ten per cent. alarm carrying on against each other a war of retaliation which her then, and fifty, a hundred, two hundred, have no ef- has no other result but to provoke new blows! fect upon her now? Because these tariff duties are indiscriminate; they fall upon all nations alike; and she can carry the load as easily, and more so, than other nations. Her commerce, though directly, is not relatively injured by it. She is not put behind any nation by it. She is still I proceed to quote a few other names and opinions in favor of the discriminating system. They will be such names, and such opinions, as all America shall hear with reverence; and first I quote from President Washington, and take his letter of October, 1789, to Mr. Gouverneur MARCH 15, 1832.] The Tariff. [SENATE. Morris, then in England, written from New York, before shillings and four pence the hundred weight; it is now fifMr. Jefferson had been appointed Secretary of State. teen shillings. Flour and grain were not admitted at that "The commerce between the two countries you well time, until the price rose to fifty shillings the quarter; ⚫ understand. You are apprised of the feelings of the they are not admitted now until the price rises to seventy ⚫ United States on the present state of it; and you doubt- shillings. Beef, pork, and bacon were prohibited then; 'less have heard, that, in the late session of Congress, a they are prohibited now. Such are the relative restric' very respectable number of both Houses were inclined tions of the two periods on our leading articles; it is to discrimination of duties unfavorable to Britain; and the same in minor ones. The fact is incontestable, that that it would have taken place but for conciliatory con- the high tariff policy has failed to procure us better mar'siderations, and the probability that the late change in kets for our exports; on the contrary, it has injured and our Government, and circumstances, would lead to more deteriorated these markets; and this being the result of 'satisfactory arrangements, .forty years' experience, the question comes up for the This communication ought regularly to be made to you candid consideration of all reflecting men, whether the by the Secretary of State; but that office not being at discriminating policy--the policy of the constitution, and * present filled, my desire of avoiding delays induces me the policy of the fathers of the constitution—ought not now to make it under my own hand." to be attempted. I read next from Mr. Jefferson--from his report, in the year 1793, upon the foreign commerce of the United States. And here, sir, we meet the question of domestic manufactures, and of the substitution of a domestic for a foreign trade. We are told that domestic manufactures will be "Such being the restrictions on the commerce and na- prostrated, and the country covered with desolation, if ⚫vigation of the United States, the question is, in what the high tariff policy is touched; and we are further told way they may be best removed, modified, or counteract that a home market will be created, by persevering in that ed. As to commerce, two methods occur. 1. By policy, superior to the foreign one, which may be lost by 'friendly arrangements with the several nations with it. Sir, it might be an answer to this objection to repeat whom these restrictions exist; or, 2. By the separate act that the constitution was made to promote foreign com* of our own legislatures for countervailing their efforts. merce, not to destroy it; that the exporting States have a There can be no doubt but that, of these two, friendly right, under the constitution, to choose their own markets, arrangement is the most eligible. Would and ought not to be subjected to the dictation of the manufacturing States; but, as arguments drawn from that instrument have latterly fallen into disrepute, or insignificance, shall make no further reference to it, and proceed to the practical view of these two questions. * * even a single nation begin with the United States this 'system of free commerce, it would be advisable to begin it with that nation, since it is one by one only that it can I 'be extended to all. Where the circumstances of either 'party render it expedient to levy a revenue, by way of impost, on commerce, its freedom might be modified in that particular, by mutual and equivalent measures, pre⚫ serving it in all others. I consider the first of these questions settled, so far as facts and reason can settle any question in human affairs. I consider the fact of the exportation of manufactures, of *nearly fifty varieties, and to the value of six millions of * But should any nation, contrary to our wishes, suppose dollars, which now go to foreign countries, and contend it may better find its advantage by continuing its system successfully with the manufactures of all nations, without of prohibitions, duties, and regulations, it behooves us to any protection at all, to be conclusive of the question of *protect our citizens, their commerce and navigation, by their overthrow and prostration at home, by being reduccounter prohibitions, duties, and regulations, also. Free ed to a revenue protection. I will, therefore, leave this commerce and navigation are not to be given in exchange question where I placed it when I read the list of our dofor restrictions and vexations; nor are they likely to pro-mestic exports of manufactured articles, and proceed to ⚫duce a relaxation of them." Now for General Hamilton. Hear him. I read from the eleventh number of the Federalist. 6 the second one, which involves an inquiry into the truth of the position, that a perseverance in the high tariff policy is to create a domestic market, superior to the foreign one which may be destroyed by it. "Suppose we had a Government in America, capable ' of excluding Great Britain (with whom we have no treaty I propose to examine this latter question chiefly in refer⚫ of commerce) from all our ports, what would be the pro- ence to its bearing upon the West. This great region is ⚫bable operation of this step upon her politics? Would now rapidly advancing to the foremost rank as an exportit not enable us to negotiate, with the fairest prospect of ing section of this Union. Her domestic exports, for I success, for commercial privileges of the most valuable speak of no other, from the port of New Orleans, for the and extensive kind, in the dominions of that kingdom? year 1830, amounted to upwards of thirteen millions of Such a point gained from the British dollars. The domestic exports of New York only amount⚫ Government, and which could not be expected without an ed to about the same sum. The emporium of the West is ⚫ equivalent in exemptions and immunities in our markets, then even with the London of America in that truest line 'would not be likely to have a corresponding effect on of national wealth, the domestic exports. Compared to 'the conduct of other nations, who would not be inclined other exporting cities, she stands thus: Five millions of to see themselves altogether supplanted in our trade. dollars ahead of Charleston; ten millions ahead of BaltiLet Americans concur in erecting one great more; ten ahead of Boston; eleven ahead of Philadelphia; American system, superior to the control of all trans-and these disproportions are to increase in rapid progresatlantic force or influence, and able to dictate the terms sion from this time forth. Such an export trade, from a ⚫ of the connexion between the old and the new world." country so young and so thinly populated, announces a Such are the concurrent authorities in favor of the con-region of unbounded production, and of the greatest fastitutional design, and the national expediency, of esta-cility for sending her products abroad; and such is the blishing discriminating duties. Has not experience proved fact. The West, sir, is capable of becoming the granary the wisdom of this policy? Certainly it has, and the slight- and the provision magazine of numerous nations. est comparison between our present and former situation extent of the region, and its fertility of soil, display its will confirm what I say. Take, for example, our rela- capacity for production; a hundred rivers, draining the tions with England, and compare the duties of 1790 with area of an immense circumference, bearing their tributes those of 1832. The duty on our tobacco, at that time, to the king of floods, and furnishing above forty thousand was one shilling and three pence sterling a pound; it is miles of inland navigation, display its capacity for foreign now three shillings. On rice, the duty was then seven trade. This region must produce, and can send away, the The |