JAN. 11, 1832.]

laws.

And, if its fairness be contested, they will bring unfavorable balance must be made up by a remittance of you cart loads of certificates, and affidavits from unknown the precious metals to some extent. Accordingly, we persons, to verify its exactness, and the first cost of the article.

find the existence of the other fact to which I allude, the high price of bills of exchange on England. It is, therefore, fairly to be anticipated that the duties accruing this year will be less in amount than those of the past year. And I think it would be unwise to rely upon our present information as to the income of either of these two years as furnishing a safe guide for the future. The years 1829 and 1830 will supply a surer criterion. There is a remarkable coincidence in the amount of the receipts into the treasury during those two years, it having been the first from all sources $24,827,627 38, and the second

Now, sir, it seems to me that this is a state of things to which we should promptly apply an efficacious remedy; and no other appears to me, but that of taking into our own hands both parts of the operation, the ascertainment of the value as well as the duty to be paid on the goods. If it be said that we might have, in different ports, different rules, the answer is, that there could be no diversity greater than that to which we are liable from the fact of the valuation being now made in all the ports of foreign countries from which we make our importa- $24,844,116 51, differing only about $17,000. tions; and that it is better to have the valuations made by persons responsible to our own Government, and regulated by one head, than by unknown foreigners, standing under no responsibility whatever to us.

The mode recommended by the Secretary for the modification of the tariff, is to reduce no part of the duties on the unprotected articles prior to March, 1833, and then to retain a considerable portion of them. And as to the The other change to which I allude, is to reduce the protected class, he would make a gradual but prospective credits allowed for the payment of duties, and to render reduction of the duties. The effect of this would be to them uniform. It would be better, if not injurious to destroy the protecting system by a slow but certain poison. commerce, to abolish them altogether. Now we have The object being to reduce the revenue, every descendvarious periods of credit graduated according to the dis- ing degree in the scale of his plan of gradual reduction, tance of the foreign port, and the nature of the trade. by letting in more of the foreign article to displace the These credits operate as so much capital, on which the domestic rival fabric, would increase the revenue, and foreign merchant can sometimes make several adventures beget a necessity for further and further reduction of dubefore the arrival of the day of payment. There is no ties, until they would be carried so low as to end in the reciprocal advantage afforded to the American merchant, entire subversion of the system of protection. I believe, in any foreign port. As we shall probably For the reasons which have been assigned, it would, I abolish or reduce greatly the duties on all articles import- think, be unwise in Congress at this time to assume, for ed from beyond the Cape of Good Hope, on which the the future, that there would be a greater amount of nett longest credits are allowed, the moment would seem to annual revenue, from all sources, including the public be propitious for restricting the other credits in such man- lands, than $25,000,000. Deducting from that sum the ner, that whilst they afforded a reasonable facility to the amount of seven millions which it has been supposed merchant, they should not supply the foreigner, at the ought to be subtracted, if the resolution before you instance of the public, with capital for his mercantile ope- should be adopted, there would remain $18,000,000 as rations. If the laws can be strictly enforced, and some the probable revenue of future years. This includes the such alterations as have been suggested can be carried sum of three millions estimated as the future annual reinto effect, it is quite probable that a satisfactory reduc- ceipt from the sale of the public lands--an estimate which tion may be made of the duties upon some of the articles I believe will be demonstrated by experience to be much falling within the system of protection. And, without too large. impairing its principle, other modes of relief may possibly be devised to some of those interests upon which it is supposed to press most heavily.

If a reduction so large as seven millions be made at this session; and if the necessary measures be also adopted to detect and punish frauds, and ensure a faithful execution There remains one view to present to the Senate in of the laws, we may safely make a temporary pause, and respect to the amount of reduction of the revenue which await the development of the effect upon the revenue of will be produced by the proposed measure if adopted, these arrangements. That the authority of the laws and its influence upon the payment of the public debt should be vindicated, all ought to agree. Now, the within the time suggested by the Secretary of the Trea-fraudulent importer, after an exposure of his fraud, by a sury. The estimate which I have made of that amount is most strange treasury construction of the law, (made, I founded upon treasury returns prior to the late reduction understand, however, not by the present Secretary,) of duties on tea, coffee, and cocoa. Supposing the duties eludes all punishment, and is only required to pay those on wines and silks to be reduced as low as I think they very duties which he was originally bound for, but which may be, the total amount of revenue with which the pro- he dishonestly sought to evade. Other measures, with posed measure will dispense, will be about $7,000,000. a view to a further reduction of the revenue, may be The Secretary of the Treasury estimates the receipts of adopted. In some instances, there might be an augmentathe present year from all sources at $30,100,000, and he tion of duties for that purpose. I will mention the article supposes those of the next year will be of an equal of foreign distilled spirits. In no other country upon amount. He acknowledges that the past year has been earth is there so much of the foreign article imported as one of extraordinary commercial activity; but on what in this. The duties ought to be doubled, and the revenue principles does he anticipate that the present will also be? thereby further reduced from $6,000,000 to a million. The The history of our commerce demonstrates that it alter- public morals, the grain-growing country, the fruit-raising, nates, and that a year of intemperate speculation is usu- and the cane-planting country, would be all benefited by ally followed by one of more guarded importation. That rendering the duty prohibitory. I have not proposed the the importations of the past year have been excessive, I measure, because it, perhaps, ought to originate in the believe is generally confessed, and is demonstrated by other House.

The

two unerring facts. The first is, that the imports have That the measure which I have proposed may be adopt exceeded the exports by about seventeen millions of dol-ed without interfering with the plan of the Secretary of lars. Whatever may be the qualifications to which the the Treasury for the payment of the public debt by the theory of the balance of trade may be liable, it may be 4th of March next, I will now proceed to show. safely affirmed that when the aggregate of the importa- Secretary estimates that the receipts of the present year, tions from all foreign countries exceeds the aggregate of after meeting all other just engagements, will leave a surthe exportations to all foreign countries considerably, the plus of fourteen millions applicable to the payment of the

SENATE.]

The Tariff.

[JAN. 11, 1832.

principal of the debt. With this sum, eight millions new and most gratifying condition of our affairs? Upwards which he proposes to derive from the sale of the bank of $12,000,000 per annum, nearly one-half of the entire stock, and two millions which he would anticipate from amount of the public debt, will (when the debt is paid) the revenue of the next year, he suggests that the whole cease to be a charge upon the country, and to this extent, of the debt remaining may be discharged by the time in- at least, the people have a right to expect an immediate dicated. The fourteen millions, I understand, (although reduction of their burdens. But what does the resolution on this subject the report is not perfectly explicit,) are now before us propose? That duties to the amount of receipts anticipated this year from duties which accrued only six or seven millions should be taken off, and that last year. If this be the Secretary's meaning, it is evident the reduction shall be exclusively confined to articles that he wants no part of the duties which may accrue which do not enter into competition with similar articles during the current year to execute his plan. But if his produced at home; in other words, sir, that articles of meaning be that the fourteen millions will be composed universal consumption, and in relation to which every in part of duties accruing and payable within the present class of the people, and every portion of the country, year, then the measure proposed might prevent the pay- contribute equally, should be relieved entirely from all ment of the whole of the remnant of the debt by the taxation, while the high duties on the protected articles exact day which has been stated. If, however, the entire were to remain untouched. In a word, that the bands of seven millions, embraced by the resolution on your table, that mammoth system of injustice and oppression (he were subtracted from the fourteen, it would still leave meant no offence, but he spoke as he felt) were to rehim seven millions, besides the bank stock, to be applied main unrelaxed--a system which was felt and acknowto the debt, and that, of itself, would be three millions ledged in one quarter of the country as a boon and a more than can be properly applied to the object in the bounty, and in another as an insupportable burden--a course of this year, as I have already endeavored to show. system which, (in the language of the Senator from I came here, sir, most anxiously desiring that an ar- Kentucky,) if it had "scattered its rich fruits" over any rangement of the public revenue should be made, which, portion of the land, had visited others with its consuming without sacrificing any of the great interests of the coun- curses.

try, would reconcile and satisfy all its parts. I thought

It could not be denied that the true question here preI perceived in the class of objects not produced within sented was, whether the protecting system was to be the country, a field on which we could all enter, in a true wholly untouched, and to be riveted upon the country and genuine spirit of compromise and harmony, and agree beyond all hope of relief. And, in this aspect of the quesupon an amicable adjustment. Why should it not be done? tion, he must solemnly declare that he considered it as Why should those who are opposed to the American one involving the prosperity, he could say pregnant with system demand of its friends an unconditional surrender? the future destinies of this country; for, however this Our common object should be so to reduce the public re-system may have operated elsewhere, it was the deep and venue as to relieve the burdens of the people, if indeed settled conviction of those whom he represented, that it the people of this country can be truly said to be bur- had acted upon them as a blight and a pestilence, blasting dened. The Government must have a certain amount of the fairest fields on which the eye of man had ever revenue, and that amount must be collected from the im- rested.

But

ports. Is it material to the consumer, wherever situated, The gentleman from Kentucky had intimated that he whether the collection be made upon a few or many ob-had hoped that his proposition might have presented a jects, provided, whatever be the mode, the amount of his common ground on which all parties might have met. contribution to the public exchequer remains the same? But how was it possible for gentlemen to suppose that we If the assessment can be made on objects which will should meet on ground which involved no coneession greatly benefit large portions of the Union, without injury whatever to our views, but which proposed to maintain to him, why should he object to the selection of those the protecting system in all its unmitigated rigor, thus objects? Yes, sir, I came here, in a spirit of warm aggravating, instead of diminishing, the inequality and inattachment to all parts of our beloved country, with a justice of which we so strongly and so justly complained? lively solicitude to restore and preserve its harmony, and The gentleman had, indeed, said that the propriety of with a firm determination to pour oil and balm into exist- some reduction might, perhaps, hereafter be considered; ing wounds, rather than further to lacerate them. For not now, however, when the debt was about to be paid, the truth and sincerity of these declarations, I appeal to and the tariff readjusted and fixed on a permanent basis, Him whom none can deceive. I expected to be met by but at some future and "more convenient season." corresponding dispositions, and hoped that our delibera- what hope is to be built on this declaration, when the tions, guided by fraternal sentiments and feelings, would gentleman, in the very same breath, tells us that no conterminate in diffusing contentment and satisfaction through-siderable or sudden reduction could ever take place. No, out the land. And that such may be the spirit presiding that would be destruction; and as to the gradual and over them, and such their issue, I yet most fervently hope. moderate reduction recommended by the Secretary of the When Mr. CLAY took his seat, Treasury, that would be even worse than the other; it Mr. HAYNE rose. He did not rise, he said, to enter would, said the gentleman, be a slow and sure poison, at this time into the discussion of the question. Perhaps leading to inevitable destruction. It follows, then, clearly, he should not, at any time, be disposed to follow the gen- that we are to have no reduction of the protecting duties tleman through the wide field which he had occupied. whatever, either now, or at any future period. In this He certainly had no such intention now: he rose merely view of the question, he must repeat that he considered to make a motion, and should, in the fewest words possi-it the most awfully momentous subject that had ever been ble, state the reasons which had induced him to do so. presented in the course of the history of this Government; The question presented by the resolution, Mr. H. said, and, believing that it required the greatest deliberation, was not only one of deep interest to the whole country, he wished the attention of the Senate to be seriously callbut he was persuaded it was by far the most important ed to it, that it might be maturely considered, and wisely that could command the attention of Congress during the decided. In the presence of this august body, and before present session. The period so long and so anxiously his God, he would repeat his deep conviction that the looked for and desired, had at length arrived. The pub-consequences to grow out of the adjustment of this great lic debt was paid, for so gentlemen on all sides had agreed question involved the future destinies of this country; and to consider it; and the question necessarily arose, what in order that we should approach it with wary steps and adjustment of the tariff of duties was to be made in this becoming caution, he would now move that the further

JAN. 12 to 16, 1832.]

The Tariff.

[SENATE.

consideration of the resolution should be postponed to, guments in favor of the American system; "that the and made the order of the day for Monday next. The motion was agreed to.

protecting policy stands self-vindicated; that it has scattered its rich fruits over the whole land, and is sustained by the experience of all powerful and prosperous nations." Sir, we meet these positions at once by assertThis day's sitting was spent in acting on petitions, reso- condemned; condemned in our own country, by the desoing, on our part, that the protecting system stands selflutions, and private bills.

THURSDAY, JANUARY 12.

FRIDAY, JANUARY 13.

lation which has followed in its train, and the discontents it has produced-condemned by the experience of all the world, and the almost unanimous opinion of enlightened

After the transaction of some private business, and men in modern times. And now, having fairly joined spending a considerable time with closed doors, The Senate adjourned to Monday.

MONDAY, JANUARY 16.

THE TARIFF.

The Senate, according to the order of the day, took up the following resolution, submitted by Mr. CLAY on the 10th instant:

Resolved, That the existing duties upon articles imported from foreign countries, and not coming into competition with similar articles made or produced within the United States, ought to be forthwith abolished, except the duties upon wines and silks, and that those ought to be reduced; and that the Committee on Finance be instructed to report a bill accordingly.

issue with the gentleman, we might put ourselves upon the country, and submit the case without argument; nor should I have any fears for the result, if the issue was to be tried and decided by an impartial tribunal, free from the disturbing influence of popular prejudice and delusion, and the strong bias of interests, personal, pecuniary, and political. But, situated as we are, I feel and acknowledge the necessity of making out our case to the conviction of this assembly, and the satisfaction of the country. We are seeking relief from an abiding evil-redress from an existing wrong. We cannot stand where we are. We cannot, like the gentleman from Kentucky, rest on mere unsupported assertions. We must submit our proofs, and maintain our positions if we can. It is greatly to be regretted, however, that the gentleman has not seen fit to present some of the strongest arguments in favor of his policy, as such a course might have directed our inquiries to a few leading points, instead of making it necessary for Strike out all after the word "countries," and insert as us to wander at large through the wide field of argument follows: "be so reduced that the amount of the public presented by the protecting system. The gentleman, revenue shall be sufficient to defray the expenses of Go- however, has so far favored us as to specify two of the advernment according to their present scale, after the pay-vantages which he asserts have been derived from it in ment of the public debt; and that, allowing a reasonable this country, and in our day; and I am perfectly willing to time for the gradual reduction of the present high duties try the merits of the system by these tests which he has on the articles coming into competition with similar articles made or produced within the United States, the duties be ultimately equalized, so that the duty on no article shall, as compared with the value of that article, vary materially from the general average."

Mr. HAYNE moved the following modification of the resolution:

Mr. HAYNE addressed the Senate in support of his proposition as follows:

The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. CLAY] commenced his remarks a few days ago, by complaining of the advances of age, and mourned the decay of his eloquence, so eloquently as to prove that it was still in full vigor. He then went on, sir, to make a most able and ingenious argument, amply sustaining his high reputation as an accomplished orator.

himself proposed. They shall, if the gentleman pleases, constitute the standard by which its true character shall be determined. In the first place, then, the gentleman asserts, "that the much abused policy of 1824 (the protecting tariff of that year) has filled our coffers, and enabled us to pay off the public debt," a debt of one hundred millions of dollars of principal, and one hundred millions of dollars of interest. Now, sir, if any thing is capable of demonstration, it may be demonstrated that the protecting system could not, by possibility, have contributed, in the slightest degree, to produce this result. One would suppose, indeed, that the very last merit which would be ascribed to this system, was its tendency to fill the "public coffers." It is, unquestionably, to a tariff, With this example before me, Mr. President, said Mr. arranged and adjusted with a single eye to revenue, that H., I am almost deterred from offering any apology, lest we are to look for such a result. The object of a proI should create expectations which it will certainly not be tecting tariff, as such, certainly is to diminish or exclude in my power to gratify. And yet, perhaps, it may be importations, and of course to lessen the amount of the permitted to one so humble as myself to say that it be- revenue derived from duties. The very end and aim of fongs not to me at any time, or under any circumstances, such a system is to substitute for the imported article, and, least of all, at this moment, and on this occasion, to paying taxes to Government, the domestic article paying satisfy the expectations of those, if any such there be, none--to transmute the duty into a bounty to the manuwho have come here to witness the graces of oratory, or facturers; and just so far as this end is attained, that is to to be delighted with the charms of eloquence. I would say, just so far as the tariff is protective, must it cut off not, sir, on this occasion play the orator if I could. I the public revenue. Do we not all remember that the came here to-day for higher and far nobler purposes. Ileading argument in favor of the protecting provisions of stand on this floor as one of the representatives of a high-the tariff of 1824 was, that they were necessary "to put minded, generous, and confiding people, whose dearest down a ruinous foreign competition" and did not one of rights and interests I am now to vindicate and maintain. the fathers of that bill publicly declare "that the vital In such a situation, I would lose every thought of myself principle of the system was, that the nation should comin the greatness of the cause. Confiding in the indulgence mand its own consumption, and that when the nation did of the Senate, and deeply sensible of my inability to do command its own consumption, importations and imposts justice to the important subject embraced in these resolu- would cease Sir, there are two distinct features in the tions, I shall proceed at once, in the plain, unadorned lan- tariff of 1824--revenue and protection. It is the former guage of soberness and truth, to the examination of the that has filled your coffers, and paid off the public debt; question before us. and, so far as the latter has operated at all, it must have The gentleman from Kentucky set out with the declara- diminished the revenue, and delayed the extinction of that tion that he did not deem it necessary to offer any ar-debt. Sir, I will put it to the candor of the gentleman,

SENATE.]

The Tariff.

[JAN. 16, 1832.

whether, if the protecting duties under the tariff of 1824 freight equal to the first cost. It is perfectly clear, therehad been less, the revenue would not have been greater, fore, that Kentucky has not realized the promised blessand that, too, without adding to, but, on the contrary, ings of the protecting system; and, I am told that this is diminishing the burdens of the people, since they would substantially true of the whole West. But, sir, if the West have obtained the articles of their consumption in in-has gained nothing by the system, she has had her share creased quantities, and at a cheaper rate, and been re- of the taxes which it imposes--she has paid her proporlieved from the heavy tax which they have been compelled tion of duties to the Government, and bounties to the mato pay to the American manufacturers. Why, sir, the nufacturers, and, in consequence of the dire calamities policy of 1824 actually taxed to prohibition a large amount which the system has inflicted on the South, blasting our of goods formerly imported. From a report made by the commerce, and withering our prosperity, the West has Secretary of the Treasury in January, 1830, it appears very nearly been deprived of her best customer. When that these prohibited articles amount to about eight mil- the policy of '24 went into operation, the South was suplions of dollars per annum, being near one-sixth part of plied from the West, through a single avenue, (the Saluda the whole of our imports. Has this part of the policy Mountain Gap,) with live stock, horses, cattle, and hogs, contributed to fill your coffers? Sir, the case is too plain to the amount of considerably upwards of a million of dolfor further argument; and tried by this test, the policy lars a year. Under the pressure of the system, this trade must be utterly condemned. has regularly been diminishing. It has already fallen off more than one-half; and from an authentic return, now be fore me, it appears that it has been further diminished near one hundred and fifty thousand dollars during the last year. So much for the rich blessings bestowed upon the West by the protecting system.

The next test by which the gentleman proposes to try this system, is "the rich fruits which it has scattered over the country." Sir, where are they to be found? Is it in the West? I appeal to the gentlemen from that quarter. We have heard a great deal of the flourishing condition of the manufacturing establishments elsewhere; but where We come now to the South. If any portion of the ric are the manufacturing villages, the joint stock companies, fruits of this system have been scattered there, they have the splendid dividends, and other evidences of prosperity not fallen under my observation. Sir, we know them not to be found in the West? I submit it to the candor of the-we see them not--we feel them not. It may be supgentlemen, whether the benefits of the protecting system, posed, however, that we are too full of prejudice, or too so far as the West is concerned, do not rest still in hope- ungrateful, to acknowledge the blessings it has bestowed whether the system would be sustained a day, if it were not upon us. Sir, we have heard of men having honor thrust for its supposed connexion with internal improvements-upon them, and perhaps there may be such a thing as havwhether it is not indebted for its popularity in that quar-ing benefits thrust upon an unwilling people: yet I should ter, to the unhappy, the fatal marriage between the tariff think that, even in such a case, they would soon become and internal improvements--a union which I yet hope to reconciled to their lot, and submit to their fate with a good see dissolved. It was a left-handed--an unlawful mar- grace. But I assure the gentleman that the condition of riage; and surely those whom God hath not joined, man the South is not merely one of unexampled depression, may put asunder. Sir, there are, doubtless, some flou- but of great and all-pervading distress. In my own State, rishing manufactories scattered here and there throughout the unhappy change which has within a few years past the Western country-chiefly confined, however, to situa- taken place in the public prosperity, is of the most appaltions beyond the reach of foreign competition, and owing ling character. If we look at the present condition of our nothing to the protecting system. But the West has not cities, (and I will take Charleston by way of example,) we been rendered prosperous by these establishments. I ap- find every where the mournful evidence of premature depeal confidently to their actual condition at this time. With cay. Sir, the crumbling memorials of our former wealth regard to the gentleman's own State, I will apply a test and happiness too eloquently teach us that, without some which cannot deceive us. When the policy of '24 was change in your policy, the days of our prosperity "are before Congress, the Senator from Kentucky stood forth numbered." Sir, it is within my own experience, that, in as its champion, and it was my lot to attempt to answer his the devoted city in which my lot has been cast, a thriving arguments. It is true, sir, that his speech was made in foreign commerce was, within a few years past, carried the other House, and mine on this floor; but his argument on direct to Europe. We had native merchants, with had been sent forth as the manifesto of the party-it was large capitals, engaged in the foreign trade. We had printed in pamphlet, and laid on the tables of the Senators; thirty or forty ships, many of them built, and all owned, and, embodying the views of the tariff party, it was im- in Charleston, and giving employment to a numerous and possible for me to pass it over. I well remember, there- valuable body of mechanics and tradesmen. Look at the fore, that, on that occasion, the gentleman argued that state of things now! Our merchants bankrupt or driven Kentucky was to participate in the protecting system, by away--their capital sunk or transferred to other pursuits-raising large quantities of hemp, and supplying the South- our shipyards broken up-our ships all sold! yes, sir, I ern States with cotton bagging; and he strongly insisted am told the very last of them was, a few months ago, that she was then only prevented from so doing, by the brought to the hammer--our mechanics in despair; the ruinous competition of the inconsiderable Scotch towns of very grass growing in our streets, and houses falling into Inverness and Dundec.. And what is it, sir, that we hear ruins; real estate reduced to one-third part of its value, and now, after the lapse of eight years? The old story rents almost to nothing. The commerce, which we are repeated. Kentucky still deprived of the benefits of the still permitted to enjoy, diverted from its proper channels, protecting system by those formidable rivals, Inver-carried on with borrowed capital, and through agents sent ness and Dundee. They still constitute "the lion among us, and maintained by the tariff policy, bearing off in the path," and foreign manufactures ever will be their profits to more favored lands, eating out our sub"a lion in the path" to those whose prosperity depends on stance, and leaving to our own people the miserable crumbs the protecting system. We know that the manufacture of which fall from the table of their prosperity. If we fly cotton bagging is a simple process, requiring hardly any from the city to the country, what do we there behold? skill or capital, and yet the great State of Kentucky can- Fields abandoned; the hospitable mansions of our fathers not get along with it, in consequence of the formidable deserted; agriculture drooping; our slaves, like their masrivalship of two miserable Scotch towns, the inhabitants ters, working harder, and faring worse; the planter striv of which are said to be so poor and destitute that they are ing with unavailing efforts to avert the ruin which is beobliged to import their fuel, and send to Dantzic, twelve fore him. It has often been my lot, sir, to see the once hundred miles up the Baltic, for their hemp, paying a thriving planter reduced to despair, cursing his hard fate,

gathering up the small remnants of his broken fortune, and, with his wife and his little ones, tearing himself from the scenes of his childhood, and the bones of his ancestors, to seek, in the wilderness, that reward for his industry, of which your fatal policy has deprived him.

[SENATE.

have heard, the rich fruits of the system have been scattered in this quarter with a profuse hand. We are told that manufacturing establishments have sprung up every where as if by enchantment. Thriving towns and beautiful villages cover the whole face of the land. Millions of Sir, when we look at our fertile fields, and consider the capital have been withdrawn from other pursuits, and ingenial climate with which God has blessed the South-vested in manufactures. Joint stock companies are rewhen we contemplate the rare felicity of our position, as ceiving enormous dividends; and the people (at least in the producers of an article which, under a system of free the neighborhood of the establishments built up and trade, would command the markets of the world-is it not sustained by the system) are rejoicing in a prosperity unenough to fill our hearts almost to bursting to find the exampled in the history of the world. But, sir, in the richest blessings that an indulgent Providence ever show-midst of this universal joy, we hear occasionally the voice ered down upon the heads of any people, torn from us by of lamentation and complaint. There are those north of the cruel policy of our own Government, to find the boun- the Potomac, wise, and experienced, and patriotic men, ties of Heaven thus blasted by the hand of man? Sir, I will well acquainted, too, with the actual condition of things, not deny that there are other causes besides the tariff who tell us that this apparent prosperity is in a great which have contributed to produce the evils which I have measure delusive; that the system has operated in building depicted. Trade can, to some extent, be carried on with up a favored class at the expense of the rest of the comgreater facility at New York, and cotton may be raised munity; that it has, in fact, made the "rich_richer, and more profitably in Alabama; but these advantages would the poor poorer." I have before me several statements, not have broken up the commerce or depressed the agri- all going to prove these assertions, as to several of the culture of South Carolina, while an unrestricted inter- most flourishing manufacturing establishments of the North. course with foreign nations enabled us to realize the most I will trouble the Senate with but one of them, and that moderate profits! Men do not quit their accustomed em- merely by way of illustration. The article is from the pen ployments, or the homes of their fathers, for any small of one of the ablest political economists in the Unionaddition to their profits. It is only when restriction has one who has laid his country under a lasting debt of reached a point which leaves the door still open to one, gratitude. while it closes it against the other, that this result is produced; and, therefore, it is, that a rapid transfer of capital and population is now added to the other evils with which the old States are afflicted.

[Mr. HAYNE here read a statement from the Banner of the Constitution, proving that a flourishing cotton manufactory at the Falls Village, in New Hampshire, was, from their own showing, maintained by a tax on the community, exceeding the entire profits of the establishment by $101,000 per annum; and that, if a purse was made up, and every operative man, woman, and child paid one hundred dollars per annum for standing idle or turning grindstones, the public would be gainers by $101,000

In this condition of the country, where is there to be found a fulfilment of the promises held out to the South in 1824? We were then told that we had mistaken the true character of this system. We were entreated only to try it for a short time. We were told that the taxes imposed on foreign articles would be but temporary; that annually.] the manufactures would want protection but for a short It will be seen, therefore, that, with regard to some, at time--only to give them a start--and that they would soon least, of our most flourishing manufacturing establishments, be able to stand alone. We were to have had a double the profits derived are drawn from the pockets of the market for our cotton--high prices, reviving commerce, people. But, it will be said, "here is a case in which the and renewed prosperity. Sir, after the experience of South participates in the bounty; here is a home market four years, the tariff of '28 came up for consideration, by found for three thousand bales of Carolina cotton." Sir, which the protecting system was to be further extended I seize the opportunity to dispel forever the delusion, that and enlarged. And what was found to have been the re- the South can derive any compensation in a home market sult of four years' experience at the South? Not a hope for the injurious operations of the protecting system. The fulfilled, not one promise performed-and our condition case before us affords a striking illustration of this truth. infinitely worse than it had been four years before. Sir, The value of the raw material is about one-fourth part of the whole South rose up as one man, and protested against the manufactured article. Now if the cotton goods any further experiment with this fatal system. The whole manufactured at the Falls Village were imported from of the representatives of seven States, Virginia, North Ca- England, instead of being made in New Hampshire, we rolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and should find a market for twelve thousand bales of our Tennessee, (with, I believe, but three dissenting voices,) cotton instead of three; so that, instead of gaining a market recorded their votes against that bill. Sir, do not gentle- for three thousand bales of cotton, we have lost a market men find in this fact some evidence of the dangerous cha- of nine thousand. The home market for our cotton is racter of that legislation on which this system is based? not a new, or additional, but a substituted market. If the Can it be wise-can it be just--can it be prudent--to adopt trade were free, the goods manufactured in this country and enforce a policy so essentially sectional in its charac- would be imported from England, and paid for in our ter? Can we hope for harmony, peace, and concord, while cotton; but, in cutting off the imports, you, of course, to enforcing a system against which an entire section of your the same extent, diminish our exports. Now suppose, to country so strongly revolts? It is the essential principle make this matter too plain for cavil or dispute, that we of the representative system, that a mutual sympathy of exported to Great Britain one hundred thousand bales of feeling and of interest should bind together the people cotton, worth (at thirty dollars a bale) three millions of and their rulers; and it may be worthy of profound reflec- dollars, and that we received in exchange three millions tion how far that principle is essentially preserved by a of dollars worth of British cotton goods. How much of scheme of legislation, under which the feelings and inte- our cotton would it take to manufacture these goods? rests of so large a portion of the country are outraged and Why, just twenty-five thousand bales, while the remaining trampled on, when taxes are imposed, not by the repre- seventy-five thousand would be disposed of on the contisentatives of those who are to bear the burdens, but of nent. But suppose the importation of these goods prothose who are to receive the bounty. hibited, in order that they should be made at home, what portion of this cotton would find a home market? Only twenty-five thousand bales, and the remaining seventyfive thousand must be left on our hands. Thus, it will

Now, sir, let us turn our attention to the North. And here I cannot speak from my own knowledge, but I am free to confess that if we are to credit the accounts we VOL. VIII.-6