spirit, "I am the state!" and hence it is, that the lan guage of menace, or an act of outrage or insult committed in the remotest section of the Union, sends an instantaneous thrill through the breasts of our countrymen. Peace societies and conventions have denounced feuds, and contentions, and wars; they have striven to inculcate mildness and forbearance in the adjustment of all difficulties among governments; they have labored, earnestly and zealously, to make forgiveness the law of the council-room and the audience-chamber; but, however praiseworthy their efforts, or benevolent their intentions, they have produced little change in the feelings and dispositions of the American people. Go where we may, at home or abroad,-on the sea or on the land,-wherever we find one of our citizens, standing beneath the broad folds of our national flag, we shall see his eye kindle and his bosom throb, as he gazes on the proud emblem floating above him; and if, at such a moment, violence be offered, either rightfully or wrongfully, to him or to it, his arm is nerved for the defence with tenfold vigor and strength!

The moralist who can sit calmly down to analyze the sentiment which is thus manifested, may discover something of error mixed up with what is commendable; but so long as it forms the same part of our natures with patriotism and love of country, it cannot well be separated. If it be dangerous to arouse it, without justifiable and sufficient cause, it is far more so, to trifle with, or insult it with impunity. This sentiment, or emotion, or impulse, by whatever name it may be dignified, has become a fixed and abiding principle in the hearts of our fellow-citizens; and it was never more signally exhibited than during the progress of the Mexican war. Differences of opinion existed with regard

REPUBLIC OF MEXICO.

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to the necessity for the commencement of hostilities: but when once determined on, all classes and parties aided in their vigorous prosecution. Our young men, at the plough and in the workshop-in the office and the counting-house-in town and in country-had no sooner heard of battles, than they longed "to follow to the field." The recital of the brilliant deeds performed by men animated by such a spirit, will, no doubt, be welcome to the reader: but before proceeding with the narrative, the origin and causes of the war seem very appropriately to demand attention.

The republic of Mexico, for such she has claimed to be, amid all the phases and changes in her political condition, has never possessed a firm or stable government since 1821, when she ceased to be one of the dependencies of the Spanish crown, except during the first presidency under the federal constitution. Her prolonged struggle for independence was not viewed with indifference in the United States. The government of the latter was the first to recognize her separate existence, and her battle fields were crimsoned with the blood of many an American citizen. In the darkest hour of her fortunes, in the midst of peril and difficulty, she was cheered and encouraged by those who had encountered similar trials and dangers, and who were then basking in the sunshine of freedom, and enjoying the rich reward they had labored to secure. The ties and associations thus formed, it was hoped would become more firm and enduring, as the commercial and social intercourse between the two countries was extended. But he character and habits of the Mexican people unfitted hem for the rational enjoyment of free institutions; and hey became the easy prey of the military despots, who y turns harassed and oppressed them. The descend

ants of the Spaniard, while they have retained many of the more noble traits of their ancestors, they have acquired all the baser passions and characteristics of the different races with which they have amalgamated.* They are passionate and vindictive, treacherous and cruel, indolent and selfish; and their bravery is an impulse rather than a sentiment. The fierté of the ancient Hidalgo, the pride of the old Castilian, are almost forgotten; and the faith of their forefathers is corrupted by the traditions of Tlascala and Cholula.

In 1822, Iturbide was proclaimed Emperor of Mexico, by the lawless and licentious soldiery whom he had rendered obedient to his wishes. His short reign was characterized by the profligacy, anarchy, and corruption, which reigned everywhere triumphant. The money and property of foreign merchants were seized without warrant or justification, and the laws of nations openly and constantly disregarded. His attempt to unite the descendants of the Spaniards, and the original natives of Mexico, on terms of amity and friendship, in support of a government whose rapacity was only limited by its power of gratification, proved utterly abortive. He was dethroned and put to death by an exasperated peorie, in 1824, at which time the federal constitution, modeiled after that of the United States, was adopted, and Victoria elevated to the presidency. Aside from the revolt of General Bravo, the vice-president, which was soon quelled, his term of office was comparatively tranquil and peaceful; yet, in several instances, the prop

The population of Mexico is about 7,000,000. One-fifth of this number are whites, of Spanish origin; two-fifths, Indians; and the remainder, partly negroes, but mainly composed of a mongrel population, descended from whites, Indians, and negroes, who are termed Mestizoes, Mulattoes, and Zamboes.

erty of American citizens was illegally wrested from them by the corrupt agents of the government. Upon the expiration of Victoria's term, a bloody contest ensued between the rival candidates for the succession. General Guerrero was the successful candidate, and his competitor, Pedrazo, was banished. Within a year the former was deprived of his power and his life. Confusion, disorder, and misrule, prevailed throughout the republic. Two great parties, embracing numerous minor factions, were contesting for the supremacy. The Federalistas were in favor of adhering to the constitution of 1824, and the Centralistas desired to establish a central consolidated government. Guerrero was succeeded by the vice-president, Bustamente, a prominent and leading centralist. The war between the two parties was waged more fiercely than ever. Bustamente was finally banished, and General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, one of the heroes of the revolution, was raised to power by the joint efforts of the aristocracy and clergy. The constitution of 1824 was nominally preserved during all these dissensions; but in October, 1835, it was set aside by Santa Anna, and the country divided into departments, with governors appointed by the central authorities. The southern states, or provinces, generally concurred in the change; but those at the north refused to accede, until they were chastised into submission by the presidential dictator, who had broken the league of federation, and established centralism in its stead. Texas alone refused to surrender her state sovereignty, and maintained a successful

* Under the federal constitution, Mexico was divided into 19 states, 4 territories, and a federal district. The provinces of Coahuila and Texas were formed into a state bearing the names of both.

resistance against the armies sent to subdue her.* This consolidated government, formed in 1835, underwent no material change, until the year 1846, although its founder was compelled to share the power secured to the central head, in turn, with Bustamente, Herrera, and Paredes.t

While the republic of Mexico was divided and distracted by these internal tumults and disorders, the government of Spain attempted its re-subjugation. Expeditions and armaments were fitted out, but they only served to exhaust the treasuries of both the mother country and her former colony. The Mexican authorities employed the most illegal measures to replenish their coffers. The position of the United States, in the immediate vicinity, and the extent of their commerce in the Gulf, caused them to feel the effects of the arbitrary proceedings which were resorted to, more seriously than any other nation, and rendered it im

* Yucatan followed the example of Texas, in 1840, and declared herself independent. In 1843 she was reunited to Mexico; but in 1846, she again revolted, and, assuming a position of neutrality, refused to take part in the war against the United States.

† Paredes is an avowed monarchist in principle, and after his accession to power, the calling of a foreign prince to the throne was advocated in the columns of the " Tiempo," a journal conducted by Lucas Alaman, one of his confidential friends, and the author of his convocatoria, or edict, calling together the constituent Congress, promulgated on the 27th of January, 1846. The same idea was suggested by a French author, (M. de Mofras,) in a work on Oregon and California, published with the approbation of the Court of France, in 1844. He advocated the establishment of a European monarchy, and thought a suitable person to occupy the throne might be selected from the infantas of Spain, the French princes, or the archdukes of Austria. From a statement made by Señor Olozoga in the Cortes of Spain, on the 1st of December, 1847, it appears that large sums of money were drawn from the treasury in Havana, in the year 1846, for the purpose of establishing a Spanish prince on the throne of Mexico.