man with a similar bandage had preceded him in the line. The story that a black-browed Italian immediately preceded the assassin and retained the President's hand to give his accomplice time for the deed seems to be unconfirmed, and it may be said now that at this writing there appears absolutely no evidence of active complicity on the part of any one. As the President leaned forward to grasp the young man's left hand, the assassin raised his right hand, dropped the bandage, and fired two shots in close succession; the first struck the breast-bone and glanced off, inflicting only a flesh wound; the second bullet penetrated the stomach through the abdomen, passed upward, and is probably lodged in the muscles of the back. All accounts agree that the President acted with intrepidity and calmness, and that his first thought was for his invalid wife and that she should not be told of the event. His second thought, according to most accounts, was of his dastardly assailant, who had been instantly seized by a burly negro who followed him in the line and by the detectives, and was badly handled by the infuriated bystanders"Let no one hurt him," the President said, and fell half fainting into a chair. Later, as he was being carried to Mr. Milburn's house after the operation, Mr. McKinley expressed his sorrow at having been a cause of trouble to the Exposition. Thus we have the affecting fact that in the shock and danger of impending death Mr. McKinley's thoughts and words were all for the feeling and sorrow of others. An operation was performed at six o'clock in the hospital of the Exposition, the openings in the stomach were closed, and the group of eminent surgeons-Dr. Roswell Park, Dr. M. D. Mann, Dr. John Parmenter, Dr. Herman Mynter, Dr. Rixey, the President's personal physician, and others-declared that from the surgical point of view the operation was a success. By half-past seven Mr. McKinley was quietly resting at Mr. Milburn's house. Following the PresiIdent's own injunctions, Mrs. McKinley, who is always an invalid and has lately been in less than her ordinary health, was not told the full story of the assault, and in so far as possible she was shielded from shock in every way.

The Assailant

The young man who committed this atrocious and murderous assault had no personal grievance. He at first gave his name as Frank Neeman, later as Leon F. Czolgosz. He is of Polish descent, but of American birth. His mother, who, with other relatives, seems strangely callous at the infamous notoriety of her son, declares that he has always been considered of weak intellect, but the care with which his scheme was planned and carried out indicate sanity and intelligence. He is regarded by the physicians and police authorities as in full possession of his wits and as morally and mentally responsible. The sole inciting reason for his crime, he says, is his belief in Anarchism and his wish to do something to prove his devotion to "the cause." He flatly denies having had any aid or instigation further than the violent diatribes of such Anarchistic agitators as Emma Goldman, whom he particularly names. This Goldman woman is an ignorant, voluble, raving lecturer, whose addresses counsel violence in reckless but general terms, and she is regarded by theoretical Anarchists, and even by such men as John Most, as voicing nothing but her own vicious desire for notoriety. Czolgosz listened to Emma Goldman and read Anarchistic papers in Western cities; he has lived in Detroit, Chicago, and Cleveland, and his relations with Anarchist societies in these places are being fully investigated. "The authorities seem to believe in the existence of a plot, but it may be pointed out that the greatest danger from "force Anarchists" is the diabolical cunning which puts in place of the old-fashioned plots and conspr acies the incitement to the individua', Anarchist to "do a deed " entirely on his own initiative and without consultation with others. As the crime was committed in New York State, Czolgosz will not be tried by a Federal Court, but by the courts of the State, which provide a punishment of ten years' imprisonment at hard labor for an unsuccessful attempt to murder, while the United States statute only provides for three years' imprisonment. The suggestion has been made that it may well be worth while to place under Federal law the protection of the President and the punishment of an assailant, without regard to where the President may

happen to be when an assault takes place. An offense of this kind is an offense against the whole people, and it would be most consonant with the dignity of the Nation that trial and punishment should be had before a Federal court, rather than be left to possible prejudice and conceivable stupidity of a local court in perhaps some outlying and not fully settled part of the land. If such a law were to be adopted it might rightly increase the sentence for attempts at murder, which now under the Federal statute seems inadequate. Czolgosz is twenty-eight years of age, a Russian Pole; his parents came here forty years ago; he attended school in Detroit; he has been a workman in wire mills; some accounts say he has kept a saloon. He asserts repeatedly that Einma Goldman preached that all rulers should be exterminated, that her words "burned me up," and that his deed was the direct effect of the words. If this is so, it seems to many that the Goldman woman has made herself liable to the law as an inciter of assassination, even though she did not urge the murder of an individual by name.

The World's Sympathy

Not in this country alone but from every part of the civilized world have poured messages of sympathy, words of appreciation of Mr. McKinley's worth and character, and denunciations of the crime of the wild and vicious assailant. King Edward, the Emperor William, and the Queen Regent of Spain, our so recent enemy, employ identical language in expressing their horror at the dastardly attempt;" cable messages have thronged in from every quarter of Europe. The English and Continental press unite in presaging future united or at least simultaneous action by the nations of the world to combat the common danger, Anarchism. American statesmen and preachers in numbers urge that National legislation at least try to frame measures which may distinguish license from liberty. There has been a notably general expression of the belief that our Presidents should no longer be exposed to the danger-to say nothing of the tax on strengthinvolved of necessity in shaking hands with immense crowds of people. Another significant statement brought out is that

from Scotland Yard, London, to the effect that there has been a steady stream of European Anarchists flowing toward the United States for the last year. The utterances and the prayers from the pulpits of the country were of course unanimous in abhorrence of the crime and in sincerity of longing for the preservation of the President's life. In Westminster Abbey Canon Duckworth said: "Within the walls of this very abbey, which is as much beloved by our brethren across the sea as by ourselves, we are daily offering yers to God that in his mercy he wilpare the precious life that is so cruelly threatened. We do not forget that outburst of sympathy which came to us across the Atlantic a few months ago on the occasion of our great national sorrow. Now we offer to our brethren in their sorrow sympathy which is no less tender than true." The Pope declared: "Mr. McKinley is a model man and President. Whoever strikes such a man is a madman or a depraved offender." President Eliot, of Harvard, in an interview said: "Anarchists are enemies of social order, and with a seeming disregard of their own lives will strike at rulers of nations on every occasion, not caring if the ruler has come in his position by the fortune of birth or because of election by his countrymen. . . . We in the United States are particularly open to the attacks of assassins because of the freedom of approach to our high officials."

President McKinley's Latest Speech

The day before the assault on President McKinley he delivered an address at the Pan-American Exposition which marks, more distinctly than any address before delivered by him, his desire to see the Republican party initiate an international industrial policy in conformity with its policy of political expansion. In this address he speaks, as is his wont, in somewhat general terms, yet they are so explicit that it is impossible to misunderstand their significance. The kernel of this speech will be found in the following paragraphs taken from it:

A system which provides a mutual exchange of commodities is manifestly essential to the continued and healthful growth of our export trade. We must not repose in fancied security that we can forever sell everything and

buy little or nothing. If such a thing were possible, it would not be best for us or those with whom we deal. We should take from our customers such of their products as we can use without harm to our industries and labor.

Reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of our wonderful industrial development under the domestic policy now firmly established. What we produce beyond our domestic consumption must have a vent abroad. The excess must be relieved through a foreign outlet, and we should sell everywhere we can and buy wherever the buying will enlarge our sales and productions and thereby make a greater demand for home labor.

The period of exclusiveness is past. The expansion of our trade and commerce is the pressing problem. Commercial wars are unprofitable. A policy of good will and friendly trade relations will prevent reprisals. Reciprocity treaties are in harmony with the spirit of the times; measures of retaliation are not. If this requires a modification of our protective system, why not modify it? Why should it not "be employed to extend and promote our markets abroad"? Industrial expansion will require new lines of steamships, especially for PanAmerican commerce, which must be carried on in ships "under the American flag, built and manned and owned by Americans." It will also require an Isthmian canal "which will unite the two oceans and give a straight line of water communication with the western coasts of Central and South America and Mexico." The President does not say, as we wish that he did, that this canal must also be "under the American flag, built and manned and owned by Americans." With much, perhaps with all of this address, The Outlook heartily agrees -with all of it, if it does not imply governmental subsidies to privately owned steamship lines, to which we are unalterably opposed. We heartily agree that the "period of exclusiveness is past;" and though we should favor a much more radical freedom of trade than the President here outlines, we favor such freedom as probably the best and certainly the most practicable step toward one much larger. The address throughout is characteristic of the President's temper: his desire for commercial peace; his deprecation of commercial wars; his frank recognition that changed circumstances call for a change in policy; his proposed modification of the protection principle without exciting apprehension by formally

that delivered by Vice-President Roosevelt at Minneapolis four days before is interesting and instructive. Mr. Roosevelt is more forceful but not more radical than President McKinley; more inspiring, but less persuasive. President McKinley's ad dress is distinctly more commercial in tone, Vice-President Roosevelt's more heroic, so that it may be regarded as an exposition of his favorite text-"a strenuous life." The life of high endeavor, he declares, and this is the theme of his speech, is the only life worth living. "The willfully idle man, like the willfully barren woman, has no place in a sane, healthy, and vigorous community." "As infinitely the happiest woman is she who has borne and brought up many healthy children, so infinitely the happiest man is he who has toiled hard and successfully in his life work." National prosperity depends upon individual character, which law may promote or prevent, but never by itself produce. In our more complex civilization "in a constantly increasing number of cases we shall find it necessary to shackle cunning as in the past we have shackled force;" and the Nation must possess the right of supervision and control as regards the great corporations; "the right should be exercised with caution and self-restraint; but it should exist so that it may be invoked if the need arises." The same spirit of strenuous endeavor should characterize the Nation as the individual. We cannot shirk our world duties without dishonor. "Good people seek to deter us from treading the hard but lofty duty by bidding us remember that all nations. that have achieved greatness . . . have in the end passed away. So they have,

...

so have all others." But they have left, as did Rome, for instance, a noble legacy behind them for the future nations, while the lazy and supine have scarcely left even a name. If we are to perform our duty in the world, we must be able to make good our words; "we must use no words that we are not prepared to back up with deeds;" a principle which Mr. Roosevelt specially applies to the Monroe Doctrine in the following words:

This is the attitude we should take as regards the Monroe Doctrine. There is not the least need of blustering about it. Still less should it be used as a pretext for our own aggrandizement at the expense of any other American State. But, most emphatically, we must make it evident that we intend on this point ever to maintain the old American position. Indeed, it is hard to understand how any man can take any other position now that we are all looking forward to the building of the Isthmian canal. The Monroe Doctrine is not international law, but there is no necessity

that it should be. All that is needful is that it should continue to be a cardinal feature of American policy on this continent; and the Spanish-American States should, in their own interests, champion it as strongly as we do. We do not by this doctrine intend to sanction any policy of aggression by one American commonwealth at the expense of any other, nor any policy of commercial discrimination against any foreign power whatsover. Commercially, as far as this doctrine is concerned, all we wish is a fair field and no favor; but if we are wise we shall strenuously insist that under no pretext whatsoever shall there be any territorial aggrandizement on American soil by any European power, and this no matter what form the territorial aggrandizement may take.

He thinks that there is little danger of any complication with any foreign power; but to avoid any complication we must remember that "we can best get justice by doing justice." We must maintain our protective policy, but in so doing we must also remember that "benefits must be given when benefits are sought;" and "through treaty or by direct legislation, it may, at least in certain cases, become advantageous to supplement our present policy by a system of reciprocal benefit and obligation."

On the subject Vice-President Roosevelt's of expansion Mr. Address: II. Expansion Roosevelt repeats substantially what he has said before. Expansion of some sort has been the characteristic of American history. It in

volves risks, but the Americans are not afraid to run risks. No people capable of developing self-government have anything to fear from us. Our treatment of Cuba illustrates this. We have given the Cubans freedom, established law and order in Cuba, secured for them sanitary well-being, done all at great expense, and asked nothing in return "save that at no time shall their independence be prostituted to the advantage of some foreign rival of ours, so as to menace our wellbeing." Our course in the Philippines he regards as equally a matter for National pride. For the suppression of the Filipinos' revolt he offers no apologies; he justifies it on the broad ground that it is the duty of civilized nations to destroy barbarism. What he says on this subject is so admirably said and so in consonance with the principles which The Outlook has been advocating that we report it nearly entire :

Barbarism has and can have no place in a civilized world. It is our duty toward the people living in barbarism to see that they are freed from their chains, and we can only free them by destroying barbarism itself. The missionary, the merchant, and the soldier may each have to play a part in this destruction, and in the consequent uplifting of the people. Exactly as it is the duty of a civilized power scrupulously to respect the rights of all weaker civilized powers and gladly to help those who are struggling towards civilization, so it is its duty to put down savagery and barbarism. As in such a work human instruments must be used, and as human instruments are imperfect, this means that at times there will be injustice; that at times merchant, or soldier, or even missionary may do wrong. Let us instantly condemn and rectify such wrong when it occurs, and if possible punish the wrongdoer. But shame, make such occasional wrongdoing an excuse thrice shame to us, if we are so foolish as to for failing to perform a great and righteous task. Not only in our own land, but throughout the world, throughout all history, the advance of civilization has been of incalculable benefit to mankind, and those through whom it has advanced deserve the highest honor. All honor to the missionary, all honor to the soldier, all honor to the merchant who light into the world's dark places. now in our day have done so much to bring

The work thus begun in the Philippines. by our soldiers, and now being carried forward" under the wise administration of Governor Taft," giving to the islands. "a peace and liberty of which they never even dreamed," must be carried on to its completion. "We shall make mistakes; and if we let these mistakes frighten us

66

from our work, we shall show ourselves weaklings." In the past we have made many blunders and have been guilty of many shortcomings, and yet in the end we have always come out victorious, because we have refused to be daunted by blunders and defeats—have recognized them, but persevered in spite of them. So it must be in the future." The Outlook gives so much space to this address because it may fairly be taken as an expression, not only of the Vice-President's faith, but of the faith of the young Republicans of the West, whom he, probably better than any other man, represents. If we couple his more virile and heroic speech with the more conservative and commercial speech of the President, they may be taken together as defining the policy of the Republican party somewhat as follows: At home, individual liberty, under such regulation of law as will protect not only the weak from the strong, but the unwise from the cunning, and the individual from practical despotism by great organizations; abroad, the continuance of the present policy of expansion, involving an Isthmian canal; a practical protectorate over South American Republics; the maintenance of our sovereignty in the Philippines, despite mistakes and shortcomings; such modification of our tariff system as may be required from time to time in order to promote commercial internationalism; and some measures to promote an American merchant marine to carry our American foreign commerce in American ships and under American control. We here simply define this policy; we do not discuss it.

The Strike's

Last week the steel strik Approaching End ers lost strength. A good many men came out in sympathy with them at the supposedly anti-union stronghold at Duquesne, but not enough to close the great plant there. The Labor Day demonstration at Pittsburg failed to add to their numbers, and the speeches made-or at least those reported were not such as to inspire confidence in the success of the strike. Particularly futile was the recommendation of the attorney of the Amalgamated Association that Mr. Morgan and his associates could be brought to terms if union men and their

sympathizers would withdraw their deposits from the savings banks. It is indeed true, as the speaker declared, that the one billion dollars in gold in this country would hardly begin to pay off the two and a half billions on deposit in savings banks, but it is not true that the bulk of these deposits belong to workingmen. This is an oft-exposed fallacy which has been kept alive by the efforts of some writers to exaggerate the prosperity of the working classes. These classes do constitute the majority of the depositors, but the bulk of the deposits belong to the well-to-do classes, many of whose members carry large deposits in several banks, and even several deposits in the same bank. Even were it true that the workingmen held a third of the deposits, their simultaneous action to secure a universal panic would be more difficult to arrange than the universal adoption of Volapuk. At various mills in the vicinity of Pittsburg the company claimed steady progress in securing new hands, and at McKeesport it reopened an important mill, having first secured the protection of a large squad of deputy sheriffs. The Mayor of the city protested against this employment of deputy sheriffs on the ground that no disorder was threatened, that the employment of sheriffs would simply give apparent support to the libels upon McKeesport published in the "Eastern press," and that the low character of the deputies engaged made them a source of danger instead of security. It is to be said for the Amalgamated Association that its members and sympathizers offered no physical resistance to the coming in of the new men. Thus far the strike has been singularly free from disorder. There is a good prospect that it may end with this record, for last week's negotiations for settlement bid fair to yield results. The exact terms offered by President Schwab and his associates to the committee composed of President Gompers, of the American Federation of Labor, President Mitchell, of the Mine Workers' Union, and others, have not been officially made public, but there is reason to credit the report that the two labor leaders mentioned favor its acceptance. Spokesmen for the trust say that President Schwab offered to sign the scale for all the mills which the union has closed-a much