and popery at another, they will first cheat bribes to others, and turns out of his place the themselves, and then delude as well as betray gallant lord Bellamount, merely for giving his the nation. They will most easily betray the vote in the house of commons according to his nation, because we are not apt now to find fault conscience, and thereby intends to terrify with any thing that has a parliamentary sanc- others; when I find the money the nation tion. That 200,000l. a year bestowed upon gives to defend our liberties from foreigners the parliament, has already drawn out of the abroad, is like to undermine them at home: subjects pockets more millions than all our in a word, when I see neither the one nor the kings since the Conquest have ever had from other house can withstand the power of gold; this nation, and that without any rude com- I say, when I perceive all this, it is time to plaint, is a proof, that if a king can manage give warning, it is time to look about us.—I well Mr. Guy's office, he may without much once thought to have affixed to this paper a ado set up for absolute. Venalis est Anglia, list of those that are in office; which if I had, for Venale est Parliamentum. Heretofore it would not only have shewn how many memindeed it was not necessary only that a bers are bought off, but would have pointed parliament should give, but that they should out many amongst the number of favourites give reasonably; as Flammock's rebellion, and pensioners, who we expected should rather and others in king Henry the 7th's reigns have been punished. Had we intended to witness and yet I believe our rolls will have justified what we have done to afternot furnish us with many sessions wherein times; had any thing but personal grandeur money was given, and no one country bill been the real intention of him, who we ingranted. But our ancestors were wise enough tended to have been, and valued himself most to instruct their members, and our constitution upon being our deliverer; these men must have so regular, that we had frequent clections. been marked down as betrayers of their counBut when, think you, shall we have a new try, who are now made the chief supporters of election now, since the king has about sixscore his throne. I thought we called over the prince members that I can reckon who are in places, of Orange to get or give us all the laws we and who are thereby so intirely at his devotion, wanted; to have made the elections of parthat although they have mortal feuds when liament secure and frequent, trials imparout of the house, though they are violently of tial, the militia our standing force, and the opposite parties in their notions of government, navy our strength. I thought we had called yet they vote as lumpingly as the lawn sleeves, him over to call ministers to an account, and never divide when the interest of the family, to have put it out of their power impunibly to as they call it, is concerned, that is to say, abuse us hereafter. If any spirit of liberty when any court-project is on foot? The house remains, if we are not destined to destruction, is so officered, that by those that have places sure the nation will take some way to let the and pensions, together with their sons, brothers king and both houses know that they expect and kinsmen, and those who are fed with the they should not only provide for a campaign in hopes of preferment, and the too great influ-Flanders, but (if we should yet have our wishedence these have upon some honest mistaken country-gentlemen (who are possibly overfrighted with the French) the king can baffle any bill, quash all grievances, stifle accounts, and ratify the articles of Limerick: I call them mistaken country-gentlemen, who can be persuaded that an honest bill can be at any time out of season. I confess they must adore kings more than I do, who when their own management has brought them into difficulties and straits, don't love to make good use of their humiliation. I would trust an elected king a great way, if I saw he understood election to be his title; if our generosity would engage him to reformation: but when I see he knows neither his own nor our interest, employs many of those who have been our enemies all along, and were his when the debate of the crown was on foot; when I see him hate and nickname as Commonwealths-men, those whose principles made them the authors of his greatness, and those that would have him do the business for which he came, for which both he and we said he came; when I see him sometimes soliciting in person in the house of lords, at others by my lord Portland, besides what he does by all his under-officers, when I hear he sends commands to some lords, and for success) for our security even against our own victories, and such laws as may make it worth while at this time to defend our country: I say worth while to defend it; for if we are to be slaves, it is no matter to whom we are so. I would not embarrass the government, but I would have those that are in it understand that it is for our good, and not to gratify their ambition, that they are put into those posts.—It was the custom formerly for the people to pay their members, and those members were trusted by the people to keep the balance between their liberties and the king's prerogative. But since they are retained by him with such overgrown-fees (such places and preferments) to be council on his side, how can the people hope they will be just in their arbitration? But after all I would not be thought to insinuate, that all that are in places give up the interest of England: there are some, and those in great places too, of whom I cannot allow myself to have one hard thought; though there are others of whom the world had a very good opinion, who since they have had preferment, have taken care to convince us, that we were mistaken in their characters. Lest the good should not be distinguished from the bad I forbear making a list, which most members, if : there is a certain secret that has stole out of our Cabinet, that one there, immediately on the king's refusing the Triennial Bill last sessions, undertook that it should be thrown out the next time they sat, with as much scorn and contempt as was the Judges Bill. It is time to have annual parliaments instead of triennial, since privy counsellors and lords of the trea they please, can make for themselves and their neighbours, and more exactly than I can do it; and I think the best ought to suspect and examine their own consciences, whether their employments do not bias their votes. If men are to make fortunes by being of our senate-house, we had better ourselves pay the disbursements of those we send, we had better ourselves allow them plentiful salaries for sit-sury (both which stations this person enjoys) ting there; each particular county would save by it in the public assessments, and find their account in it, whilst they preserve their members from the temptation of being hired out of their interest, and consequently get good laws for what they give. We can scarce pay too much for good laws and if we have not some that we have not yet, we shall not when the war is over (let it end which way it will) be able to call what we have our own. If the members of parliament are to overlook all the ill-husbandry of the government, that they may share in the profuseness and bribery of it; if our rights are set to sale by some, and neglected by others, when the very being of the government depends upon our being pleased; what amendment, what confirmation shail we bave of our constitution when all our dangers are over? This is a thought deserves our most serious reflections. In the late times the city of London often petitioned for passing of laws; will they always lend money now, and never expect a thorough alteration of the ministry, and securities for the future against courtprojectors? In king James the 1st's time there were certain sparks that undertook for parliaments, that were called undertakers; and can so perfectly feel the pulse of a parliament, during an interval. I could name a certain gentleman who exactly resembles Harry Guy, that the last sessions when the house was a little out of humour, disposed of no less than 16,000l. in three days time for secret service. Who are in places we may find out, but God knows who have pensions; yet every man that made the least observation can remember that some who opened loudly at the beginning of the last sessions, who came up as eager as is possible for reformation, had their mouths soon stopped with Hush-money. It has been of some time whispered, that if this will not at first pre-engage to do what will be exacted at their bands, we shall have a new parliament. I cannot tell whether a new parliament will not be practised upon by the Carmarthen Art; however it is our last and best remedy for if this continues, God have mercy upon poor England; for hitherto we have been, and we are like still, for ought I see, to be re-paid for all our expence of blood and treasure, with a mere smoke that Boccaline mentions in his advices from Parnassus, whereby the enemies of the government have great advantage given them to ridicule us for our foolish credulity. : No X. An Account of the ACRES and HOUSES, with the PROPORTIONAL TAX, &c. of each County in England and Wales. Humbly presented to the Lords and Commons, 1693. My Lords and Gentlemen, OF the proportional tax in decimals, an arithmetician, in two or three hours, may proportion each county's share of any number of thousand pounds, whatsoever shall be laid; and if it should be laid wholly on acres or houses, it would prove nearly as in the table in which I remark, that London, or the lord mayor's jurisdiction only, without the suburbs in Middlesex and Southwark, bears near the sixteenth part of the tax; that Middlesex, abstracted from London (the lord mayor's jurisdiction) bears near the two and twentieth and half part of the tax; and both together, abstracted from Southwark, bear the ninth and half part of the tax; that Cumberland bears but one penny the acre towards the tax; but Middlesex, including London, bears five shillings and eleven pence the acre; that Yorkshire has about the tenth and half part of the acres of the whole kingdom, the eleventh part of the houses (much about the same number with the bills of mortality) and bears about a twentieth part of the tax. It seems to me, that the places over-charged have about 150 parliament men; those under-charged, about 130 men; those that have no reason to complain, about 220 men. Whether this table may shew reason for alteration of the method of taxing, I submit to proper judges. The matter of fact I here endeavour to demonstrate, and am, My Lords and Gentlemen, your most obedient Servant, No XI. The Danger of Mercenary Parliaments.* imagine there was a necessity of saying much in a case not only of such irresistible evidence and demonstration, but also of the utmost concern and importance to us. Chusing of Persons in Offices to be Parliament | survived by the liberties of England, if I could Men considered-Nature of a true Parliament. Of an ill-chosen one.-Corrupting of Parliaments but of late date.-Instance in King Ch. 2.-French Measures followed.Instance in King James 2.—Nation's Expectation not answered by the Revolution.- Miscarriages in the Admiralty.-Deserters of their Principles censured.-The unjustifiableness of such Actions.-No Security against Corruption of Members. The dangerous Grievances.-The Advantages of Disinterestedness. 2. First then, We shall best be able to understand the nature of such an ill-chosen parliament, by comparing it with a true one, and with the original design of parliaments in their institution. I hope it need not be told that they were at first intended for a support to the king's just prerogative, and a protection to the subjects in their as just rights and privileges; for main1. SEVERAL treatises have been formerly taining all due honour to the executive power, and all suitable respect and encouragement to written, and more (I doubt not) will be in this those who are intrusted with the administrajuncture published, with directions and informations to the people of England for chusing tion of the laws; for a poise and balance befit and proper representatives for the ensuing tween the two extreme contending powers of parliament, wherein sufficient notice will be absolute monarchy and anarchy; for a check taken of the failures and defects of several and curb to insolent and licentious ministers, and a terror to ambitious and overgrown stateswho have already been entrusted in that service, and the due Qualifications of such who men; for giving their advice to his majesty in are now to be elected. I shall therefore con- all matters of importance; for making necesfine my present thoughts only to one particular sary laws to preserve or improve our constituhead, which yet, in my opinion, seems to in- tion, and abrogating such as were found burvolve in it the inevitable fate of England, which densome and obsolete; for giving the king wholly depends upon the choice of members money for defraying the charges and expences in the next session of parliament: I mean the of the government, or maintaining a necessary choosing or refusing of such persons who are war against foreign and domestic enemies; for now possest of any places and preferments, de- examining and inspecting the public accounts, pending upon the gift and pleasure of the to know if their money be applied to its true court. If herein my endeavours prove unsucuse and purposes: In short, for the best secucessful, I shall have nothing left but the satis-rity imaginable to his majesty's honour and faction of my own conscience to support me royal dignities, and the subjects liberties, under the deplorable consequents and effects estates and lives. which must necessarily attend the choice of a house of commons, filled with officers and court-pensioners. This is the last struggle and effort the people of England have left them for their properties; and should we now miscarry in this, we may sit down and idly shew our affections for our country, and fruitlessly bewail the loss of our liberties, but shall never meet with another opportunity of exerting ourselves in its service. That I may therefore set the minds of people right in this particular ere it be too late, I think it will be only necessary to shew the danger of chusing members that are in places from two considerations: first, from the nature of such a par liament considered in itself: and, secondly, from what has already been done by parlia ments so qualified. In both which I shall be very brief, and content myself with much fewer arguments than might be urged upon this subject: for I should almost despair of being Printed anno 1690 in quarto. See Harleian Miscellany, vol. i. p. 582,and State Tracts in the Reign of William 3. vol 2. p. 638. 3. This being the nature and true design of a parliament, let us now see whether a house of commons, full of officers and court-pensioners, will answer those noble and laudable ends of their constitution. And here indeed begin already to be ashamed of my undertaking; the proof of the negative is so ridiculous, that it looks too much like a jest to ask any one in his wits, whether a parliament filled with delinquents will ever call themselves to an account, or what account would be given if they should? Whether an assembly of public robbers will make restitution? Whether it is possible our sentence one another to be punished, or to by persons from whom there is no higher grievances can be redrest, that are committed power to appeal? Whether there is any hope of justice where the malefactors are the judges? Whether his majesty can be rightly informed in affairs relating to himself or the public, when they are represented to him only by such persons who design to abuse him? Whether the public accounts will be faithfully inspected by those who embezzle our money to their own use? Whether the king's prerogative can be lawfully maintained by such who only pervert | lainous reign we are to ascribe the loss of all the it to their own sinister ends and purposes? Whether a parliament can be a true balance, where all the weight lies only in one scale? Or, lastly, Whether a house of commons can vote freely, who are either prepossest with the hopes and promises of enjoying places, or the slavish fears of losing them! Methinks it is offering too much violence to human nature to ask such questions as these; I shall therefore leave this invidious point. considerable charters of England, the deaths of our best patriots, the encouragement and almost establishment of popery, the decay of trade, the growth of arbitrary power, the ill effects of dishonourable leagues, the shutting up of the exchequer, the progress of all sorts of debauchery, the servile compliances at court of a rampant hierarchy in the kingdom, the insolent deportment of the inferior clergy both in the universities and elsewhere, their slavish doctrine of passive-obedience and non-resistance; in short, a general depravation of manners, and almost utter extirpation of virtue and moral honesty. These and all the other mischiefs of that reign are justly chargeable to the account of that pensioned parliament, who either were the immediate authors, or the undoubted causers of them who, though they sat long and often, and could not be ignorant of our deplorable condition, yet having their eyes blinded with the dust of gold, and their tongues locked up with silver keys, they durst not cry out for the rescue of their country, thus inhumanly ravished in their very presence. It will not consist with my designed brevity, nor is it here necessary to give the reasons that induced the court to dissolve that parliament; nor shall I take any further notice of their 4. Yet lest still any should remain unsatisfied, or lulled into a fond opinion, that these mischiefs will not ensue upon the elections they shall make, I shall farther endeavour to convince those who are most moved by the force of examples, by coming to my second particular, and shewing how parliaments so qualified have all along bebaved themselves. And here I must confess there are not many instances to be given, the project of corrupting parliaments being but of a late date, a practice first set on foot within the compass of our own memories, as the last and most dangerous stratagem that ever was invented by an encroaching king, to possess himself of the rights of a freeborn people; I mean king Charles 2. who, well remembring with how little success both he and his father had made use of open arms and downright violence to storm and bat-great and fortunate oversight in doing it, nor ter down the bulwarks of our excellent constitution, had recourse at last to those mean arts, and underhand practices, of bribing and corrupting with money those who were intrusted with the conservation of our laws, and the guardianship of our liberties. And herein he so well succeeded, that the mischiefs and calamities occasioned by that mercenary parliament, did not terminate with his life and reign; but the effects of them are handed and continued down, and very sensibly felt by the nation to this very hour. For it is to that house of commons the formidable greatness of France was owing, and to their account therefore ought we to set down the prodigious expences of the late war: it was by those infamous members that money was given to make a feigned and collusive war with France, which at the same time was employed either in subduing the subjects at home, or oppressing our protestant neighbours abroad: it was this venal parliament in effect that furnished the king of France with timber and skilful workmen for building ships, as well as expert mariners, and a prodigious quantity of brass and iron cannon, mortar-pieces, and bullets from the Tower; by the help of which our own treacherous king was able to boast publicly, and thank God, that he had at last made his brother of France a seaman: by this means the honour of England was prostituted, and our natural and naval strength betrayed, with which like Sampson, we should easily have broken all the cords that Europe, or the whole world could have made to bind and enslave us, had not this parl. made a sacrifice of all to the charms of a French Dalilah. To this profligate and vil of their unfeigned repentance afterwards for it I shall only observe, that if the nation had been so senselessly stupid to have chosen the same members a second time, who were pensioners in the foregoing parliament, we bad long ago suffered the dismal consequences of our folly and madness in such a choice; nor should we now have had this liberty to warn one another against splitting upon the like rocks, and falling down the same precipices. But they were wiser in those times, and the consideration of the dreadful shipwreck they had so lately escaped, made them chuse pilots of a quite contrary disposition, who, as far as in them lay, and as long as they were permitted to sit at the helm, repaired the shattered vessel of the commonwealth, restored its honour, revived its drooping genius, gave force to its laws, countenance to its religion, and, in a great measure, reduced our banished li berties, and exposed the persons who sold them to the universal hatred and reproach of their fellow-subjects; a punishment indeed infinitely less than they deserved for the highest crime a member of parliament is capable of committing. 5. As for king James's reign, though it was notoriously guilty of the breach and violation of most of our fundamental laws, which sufficiently justifies our carriage towards him, yet cannot we say that his mismanagement is to be ascribed to the corruption of any parliament sitting in his time. It is true indeed, he reaped too much advantage from the conduct of the bribed parliament in his brother's reign, and used all possible endeavours to procure such another for himself, well knowing it to be the |