FEDERATION OF TRADES, ETC.

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First Regiment was held in readiness to assist the Sheriff in maintaining peace.

Coke employees at Mansfield, Penn., struck, and complaint was made by the working people of Pennsylvania against the importation of Hungarians; circulars were issued by the men stating their claims and that women and children were doing work fit only for the stoutest men. Women were found at work with infants lying promiscuously on the ground, and girls under ten years of age were drawing coke. There was extreme filthiness in their houses and habits, some of them carrying on an illicit whiskey traffic, while there was extreme promiscuity in their marital relations.

In 1880 a convention of some of the leading national and international trades-unions was held, and an organization was formed under the name of the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions of the United States and Canada. This Organization was to do the work of former labor congresses. The preamble declares that because of the struggle going on between oppressors and oppressed, capitalists and laborers, in all countries, which was growing in intensity and working disastrous results to the toiling millions of all nations if not combined for mutual protection and benefit, and whereas even a minority thoroughly organized might avert much danger and organize relief, this federation should be formed. The platform demands the enforcement of the existing labor laws and the enactment of others, and recommends all trade and labor organizations to secure proper representation in all lawmaking bodies by means of the ballot. We quote from the report of the secretary, Frank K. Foster, in 1884.

Under the head of "Organization" he says: "Each trade is groping blindly after results, with more or less defective machinery and imperfect perception of methods and issues. Low dues, partial organization and neglect of business principles have hitherto proved insuperable obstacles to the full measure of success.'

He speaks of the nominal triumph of Jay Gould over the Telegraph Brotherhood, the defeat of the Fall River operatives and the bitter contest raging in the Hocking Valley as

arguments, not against the principle of organization or the spirit of resistance, but for the more perfect unity of wageworkers. He records, as the result of four months' investigation ninety-eight strikes, involving fifty-three thousand work-people; fifty of them against reduction of wages, seven for an increase, three to establish a scale of prices, five against non-union men, three for less hours, four for back wages, two against signing contracts, three against shop exactions, and twenty-two cause not given. The trades involved in these strikes were miners, printers, metal workers, leather workers, building trades, railroad employees, textile operatives, laborers and miscellaneous. Thirteen were successful, fifteen failures, fifteen were compromised, and sixtyfive not recorded.

Under the head of the "Eight Hour Question" he says, "It appears to be the generally expressed desire of the societies represented in this association that it assume the initiative in a movement for the reduction of the hours of labor." He reports the opening of fraternal relations between the trades-unions of France and America, and mentions the delegation of fourteen French brothers visiting this country, sent by syndical chambers comprising sixty-eight of the mechanical arts in the municipality of Paris. A resolution was adopted asking the co-operation of the Knights of Labor to establish the eight-hour reform.

This society has continued its organization up to the present time, doing effective work in the amalgamation of labor societies. Demands for labor legislation and in the National Congress are continually made, and from its formation up to 1886 the work of organization has been carried on quietly but effectually.

The Order of the Knights of Labor began to manifest itself as a potent factor in 1885, and the strikes that occurred under its auspices are matters of recent history, and require no space in this chapter.

The year 1886 will be known as the year of the great uprising of labor. The future historian will say: Trades-unions increased their membership and their powers as never before.

THE COLOR LINE BROKEN.

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The Knights of Labor, who had for seventeen years struggled against all adverse influences, added to their membership by tens of thousands weekly. Trades and occupations that had never before been organized joined the mixed assemblies or trade assemblies of the order. Hope seemed to have entered the heart of the most oppressed. It was the very dawning of the day when the term "dignity of labor” meant something. Laboring men who had heretofore considered themselves as scarcely more than serfs, without rights or privileges, fearing to organize, or failing to do so because of the hopelessness of their condition, seemed to be inspired with a new spirit. So great was the increased membership that even the largest cities were unable to provide hall capacity for the meetings of organized labor. The horse-car employees, whose long hours of labor and barbarous conditions had been the shame of our civilization, obtained in all the principal cities, a reduction in their working time and an increase of wages. Strikes prevailed everywhere. Thousands of grievances were settled by peaceful arbitration. Every branch of labor was affected. Heretofore there had existed a feeling of caste, even among the laboring men; the skilled mechanic had looked down upon the unskilled, the well-paid considered the ill-paid as hardly worthy of recognition. The skilled and the unskilled, the high-paid and the low-paid, all joined hands. The color line had been broken, and black and white were found working together in the same cause. During the winter months lectures had been delivered and eight-hour agitation meetings held at frequent intervals. The press was filled with labor news. The clergy opened the doors of their associations to labor men for the discussion of labor measures or methods. The great strike on the Southwestern railroad system called attention anew to the giant monopolies that controlled these great interests. The movement for less hours of labor was partially successful, some gaining the eight-hour and some the ninehour day, while an advance in wages was gained in many industries.

CHAPTER VI.

LABOR LEGISLATION.

A GENERAL VIEW-STATES LEGISLATE FOR CHIEF INDUSTRIES — LEGISLATION FOR CHILDREN PROTECTION FOR MECHANICS AND OTHER WORKMEN REGULATING THE HOURS OF LABOR -STATES WITH AN EIGHT-HOUR LAW-SHORT HOURS FOR WOMEN AND CHILDREN-CHILDREN MUST BE EDUCATED — FIRE-ESCAPES ON FACTORIES OTHER AIDS TO THE EMPLOYEES PROTECTION FOR MINERS — ARBITRATION of Disputed POINTS-PROVIDED IN NEW JERSEY IN 1880-THE Law OF PENNSYLVANIA · SIMILAR LAWS IN OTHER STATES-NEW YORK'S LAW-THE LAW OF MASSACHUSETTS - BUREAUS OF LABOR.

THE

HE progress of agitation upon labor questions and the advance thereon from year to year is easily traced through the statutes of the various legislatures of the country. And yet there has undoubtedly been much agitation in many States, which show no real progress by enacted laws. In them the leaven is surely-even though slowly-working. When they do appreciate the importance of the subject, they will probably go beyond the point reached by their sister States, profiting wisely by their experience, and learning wherein to avoid their mistakes. It is hardly practicable, within the compass of a book of this nature, to state in detail the laws of the States upon the important branches of the labor problem. Only a general view will therefore be given, the minor details being necessarily omitted. Each State naturally has legislated with particular reference to those departments of labor that are most prominent within its own borders. The mining States have their own special laws, with hardly a reference to manufacturing interests; the States where the factory operatives are most numerous have legislated largely in their interests; while the great agricultural States have enacted but little, if any, legislation on these subjects. In considering this subject, it will be most practicable to