child-labor under fourteen years of age, and to prevent women from being employed more than eight hours.

On the important question of supporting the unemployed, the president made the following remarks in his biennial report: —

"The protective and benevolent features of the union should be enlarged by the adoption of an act of work-benefit. A member of the union, who is out of work for a long period, is in danger of soon being out of the union. If the number of the unemployed is large, demoralization steps in, and it becomes difficult to maintain the rate of wages. The fear that this benefit would encourage idleness among those who have but little ambition, has but little foundation, as the sum given would be so small and so guarded with conditions that the shiftless would soon be found out."

The president's decision in the New York trouble was indorsed, and the secession of the Progressives condemned by the convention. Mr. A. Strasser, of New York city, was re-elected, receiving 69 votes out of 87. The convention resolved to appoint a permanent organizer. In regard to the forms of labor, the following resolution was adopted:

"WHEREAS we know that a reduction of the hours of labor furnishes employment to a larger number of men, we therefore recommend the consideration of this question to all members of the Cigar-makers' International Union, and urge them to use all their energy in effecting the reduction of the hours of labor to eight per day."

The convention increased the sick-benefit from $4.00 to $5.00 per week, and the death-benefit from $30.00 to $40.00 per member.

CALIFORNIA AND COLORADO.

The history of the movement in the Eastern, Middle and Western States is given in the fourth and fifth chapters of the book. At the present writing, the Knights of Labor have the greatest membership of any organization, and perhaps greater than all other organizations.

In the South, trades-unions have existed among the free white mechanics, tracing back to about 1850 or 1845, -the earliest days of the movement. The Knights of Labor are entitled to the credit of having accomplished more in the organization of the colored people than all other labor organizations. The history of the labor movement in the South would require a most exhaustive investigation, and might well fill a book.

The State of California, having specially to deal with the problem of Chinese labor, has demanded the sympathies as well as the attention of the labor organizations East. In another place, we devote considerable space to the Chinese question, and here give what little can be gathered of the organized effort in that State, furnished by E. Burdette Haskell, and supplement it by statements on the development of the question in Colorado, by J. R. Buchanan, member of the auxiliary Executive Board of the Knights of Labor.

THE LABOR MOVEMENT IN CALIFORNIA.

In California, of all places in the world, labor has probably had the hardest struggle to organize; and it will have in the future an equally hard task to accomplish its emancipation. The State was settled by a cosmopolitan population, and race jealousies and divisions consequently here flourish in excess. The main idea of the immigrants was to get money as soon as possible, and by any means. Thus the dollar is more of a god in California than in any other State. The early settlers were mainly of the reckless, criminal, improvident class of adventurers and a train of scheming camp-followers. This first class has nearly all died off. Their children, being deprived of proper schooling when young, are now deprived of proper labor by the presence of Chinese. They are, consequently, idle and discontented. The second class of immigrants grabbed all of the lands and city property, and now hold it and enjoy its fruits; they will not go into new enterprises, and they will not let go of the land, so that it may be made available for use by others. The result is stagnation in business. The want of moral training and education of any kind makes the population peculiarly corrupt and unscrupulous; and the labor organizations swarm with spies and jobbers.

The early history of labor movements on this coast is one of vicissitudes. The first recorded attempt at union in this city was made by the ship-carpenters, in 1856. This union' was eminently successful, in fact, too successful. Its dissolution was not less singular than its success; for its treasury became so plethoric that discussion among its members as to how the funds should be disposed of led to a disruption. In 1857, the journeymen tailors organized and elected officers. The union disbanded after three meetings. In 1863, the tailors again organized, their grievance being that they were not paid for extra work. The formation of the union was almost immediately followed by a strike against the amount of fancy-work put upon the coats of the period. The strike lasted several weeks, and was successful. The union died soon afterward. It was revived in 1873. Without a strike, the hours of labor were reduced from eleven to ten, and the organization was in a fair way to prosperity and longevity; but the action of its members precipitated several strikes, and the union at last dwindled away and died.

The first amalgamation of trades-unions took place about 1863, John M. Days leading the movement. A year later fourteen trades were represented in it, and the year following that it had six. It died during the struggle for an eight-hour law. In 1857, an eight-hour law went into effect in Australia, and was reported to be a success. The news, upon reaching this coast, caused a very general desire among workingmen for a decrease in the hours of labor. At this time, labor-saving machinery was making itself felt. A remedy for the resulting evil was seen in a reduction of hours, and it became a political war-cry. In 1865, it influenced the city election for members of the Legislature, and at the succeeding election eight hours for a day's labor became a law. In September, 1865, the ship-calkers adopted eight hours, and the shipcarpenters followed. The Trades-Council sent its president to Sacramento, in the interest of the movement, and he secured the appointment of a joint committee favorable to the eight-hour bill. It passed the Lower House by

64 ayes to 6 noes, and in the Senate was referred to a committee. It was attacked by the press. In January, 1867, the Senate defeated the bill by 15 ayes to 17 noes.

In 1866, a nine-hour movement was started; but the mechanics did not regard it favorably, and after a little agitation it fell through. Early in 1867, the eight-hour fight was renewed in earnest. An eight-hour league was organized, the unions formed the Mechanics' State Council. In it were represented the following unions: House-carpenters', lathers', brick-layers', stonecutters', ship-joiners', gas-fitters', and laborers. The number of members is not This organization advocated eight hours. Both parties adopted

known now. an eight-hour plank. On June 3d, the Mechanics' State Council paraded. On February 21, 1868, an eight-hour law was passed.

The passage of this bill was enthusiastically celebrated in San Francisco. Laws were passed to protect the wages of labor. The labor-men then relaxed their efforts, and these laws were soon evaded by having men work by the hour instead of by the day. Thus the eight-hour law never conferred a particle of benefit on the mechanic. The labor organizations soon dwindled away, and in three years only the brick-layers and plasterers remained organized. · In 1874, the tailors made an attempt to federate the trades of San Francisco. Six unions met, but the federation soon fell to pieces. The brick-layers kept up their union, and observed the eight-hour law, until 1875, when a capitalist combination broke them up. The plasterers held out on eight hours until 1877, when their union succumbed in a strike for higher wages. When the labor agitations commenced, another attempt was made to amalgamate, and about fourteen unions were got together, having about 1,500 members. This federation died after the fall elections.

In 1877, the anti-Chinese agitation reached its culmination in the Kearney movement. Prior to appearing as a leader, Kearney had been on the side of capital and low wages. He attempted to gain admission to the Workingmen's party of the United States, was black-balled, and then started the “Workingmen's and Labor Union Party," making his headquarters on the Sand Lots. Much of his success was due to T. H. Bates and H. L. Knight, two of his lieutenants.

A convention was held in Humboldt Hall, January 24, 1878, which adopted the Workingmen's Party platform and constitution, the chief planks of which were anti-Chinese. Kearney was president, and Knight secretary of the party, which went actively to work through the city. Their outrages on the public peace called into being a "Safety Committee." Kearney was arrested several times for the violence of his language. Finally, his displays of physical cowardice utterly broke his hold, and he was hooted and jeered when he appeared on the Sand Lots. He was never in any respect a representative of labor, nor was his party.

In the early stages of the Workingmen's Party," a federation of tradesunions was formed under the title of the "Trades-Assembly." The most notable of its performances was an ineffectual attempt to form a co-operative furniture factory. In April, 1882, the Trades-Assembly called a State Convention, in which were represented delegates from the trades-unions of Nevada and Oregon, and steps were taken against the Chinese. The means employed was the formation of a "League of Deliverance," which made considerable

noise during its brief career, but accomplished nothing, and died out soon after its birth, side by side with the trades-assembly.

After the demise of the League of Deliverance, trades-unionism in San Francisco remained dormant until the early part of 1885. Early in that year, the International began to openly show itself as an encourager of trades organization and federation. On the 16th of March, a general convention of trades assembled at Irish-American Hall, and after three days' session launched "The Central Labor Union," which, however, succumbed to the vigorous attack of the politicians in the various unions. The Iron-moulders' Union was, however, more fortunate. They succeeded in perfecting a sub-federation of the iron trades, May 11, 1885, which still exists. The iron federation was but a preliminary step to a general federation of the trades and labor organizations of the Pacific coast. The coast seamen were the first after the ironmen to come to the front prominently. On the night of March 6, 1885, a party of coasting seamen gathered around a lumber-pile on Folsom-street wharf, and by the light of a friendly street-lamp formed a union. In the one year of its existence, it has gained ground until it now has a membership of over 3,000, with branches in Port Townsend, Eureka and San Pedro, covering the line of the entire coast. Its union has done much good in furnishing better board and rooms, by securing higher wages, and by acting as an agency where vessel-owners can get good men.

In the latter part of 1884, several cigar-makers, who were members of the Cigar-makers' Association of the Pacific Coast, withdrew from that organization, and formed themselves into a branch of the International Cigar-makers' Union of America. The reason for this action was that the constitution and by-laws of the association did not permit any of its members to work in a factory where Chinese were employed. The union has been very successful, has materially displaced Chinese control of the cigar-making business, and has eight hundred members. Several unions are now in operation through

the State.

Last December, the Knights of Labor called a convention for the purpose of giving expression to the views of workingmen on the question of convictlabor and the Chinese; calling upon those renting property to Chinese to evict their tenants, and also demanded an enforcement of the laws as set down in the State Constitution. Several of the organizations which had sent delegates to the convention were displeased, and withdrew them. The iron trades, the Cigar-makers' Union, and other prominent organizations remained, however, and after passing a number of pertinent resolutions formed a plan for the federation of the trades and labor organizations of the Pacific coast. In the convention, the following were represented: Blacksmiths' Union, Boiler-makers' League, Sailing-Vesseis' Cooks' and Waiters', Carpenters' and Joiners' Union No. 36, of Oakland; Local Assembly No. 855, of Sacramento; Lathers' Union, Local Assembly 1760, of San Francisco; Express Union, of San Francisco; Tinners' Union, of San Francisco; Local Assembly 1390, of San Francisco; Amalgamated Society of Engineers, of San Francisco; Steamship Protective Association, of California; United Order of Mechanics, of Vallejo; Boatmen's Protective Union, of San Francisco; Pavers' Union, of San Francisco; Iron-moulders' Union No. 164, of San Francisco; Independent Order of Associated Plasterers', Carpenters', and Joiners',

No. 22, of San Francisco; Furniture-makers' Union, Draymen and Teamsters' Union, Marine Engineers', Carpenters' and Joiners' Union, No. 58, of Los Angeles; Journeymen Boot and Shoemakers, of San Francisco; Local Assembly 1573, of San Francisco; Knights of Labor, 2999, of San Francisco; Knights of Labor, 3337, of San Francisco; Mechanics' Union, Storey County, Nevada; Typographical Union, of San Francisco, No. 21; Knights of Labor, 1580, of San Francisco; Saddle-treemakers, of San Francisco; Woodcarvers, of San Francisco; Knights of Labor, No. 2383; Musicians' Protective Union; Pacific Coast Association of Stationary Engineers; Penryn Stonecutters; S. S. Firemen's Protective Association; Stone-cutters' Union, of San Francisco; Tailors' Protective and Benevolent Union, of San Francisco; White Cooks and Waiters, of San Francisco; Machinists' Union, of California; Federated Council of Iron Trades, Knights of Labor, 2861, of San Francisco; International Cigar-makers of America, No. 228, of San Francisco; Iron Laborers' Protective Association, of San Francisco; Carpenters and Joiners, of Alameda; Marine Carpenters, of San Francisco; Pacific Coast Seamen's Association; Clerks' Assembly, No. 3651, Knights of Labor; Bakers' Workmen Union; Boot and Shoemakers' "White-Labor" Union; Pacific Coast Division International Workingmen's Association; Under-wear Factory of M. J. Flavin, Stockton Branch of Pacific Coast Division International Workingmen's Association, Socialistic Labor Party, Coast Seamen's Union, Metal-roofers, Eureka Branch of the Coast Seamen's Union; of the Pacific Coast; International Workmen, Plumbers' Union, Coopers' Union, Pattern-makers' White Cigar-makers' Association; of the Pacific Coast; Wharf-builders' Protective Association, Los Angeles Trades-Council, Local Assembly 855, Knights of Labor, of Sacramento.

The Federation of Trades, when formed, included nearly all of the above. The following were elected officers: Frank Roney, president; Patrick McGreal, vice-president; T. W. Parkin, recording secretary; G. F. Wenzel, financial secretary; E. McKinley, corresponding secretary; W. C. Owen, statistical secretary; P. F. Murphy, treasurer; Committee on Organization, B. G. Haskell, P. Ross Martin, W. C. Owen, P. McGreal, L. N. Ahrens, H. W. Hutton; Edward Anderson, sergeant-at-arms; Finance Committee, M. Schneider, George Bayless, J. H. Ranons; Committee on Credentials, D. J. McCarthy, D. Chisholm, J. M. Clark; Committee on Reports, George Bayless, J. McDermott, E. McKinley.

After the adoption of a constitution, the Federation went ahead with its business. Since its organization, it has been very active in organizing local unions, and has taken an active and highly successful part in several move

ments.

THE LABOR QUESTION IN COLORADO.

Until within six or seven years, organized labor in Colorado and adjacent Territories has not amounted to much. The first organization in Colorado was Typographical Union No. 49, of Denver, chartered June 3, 1860. Now all the trades in Denver and in the principal towns of the State and Terri