day, on condition that Mohun Lál should be at once ordered to withdraw from the fight. Sirájuddaulah agreed, and Mohun Lál returned to his tents. But no sooner did the troops see that their general had left the field, than they became hopeless and began to flee. Before evening the army of the Nawáb had dispersed. "This is the battle, in which India was lost for the Islám." Before the battle commenced, Amín Chand appears to have informed Clive, that there would be a show of resistance merely. Hence, when Clive saw the determined fighting under Mir Madan and Mohun Lál, he was annoyed and accused Amín Chand of treachery, but had to accept the excuse, that neither Mír Madan nor Mohun Lál belonged to the conspiracy.

(جمازه) Sirajuddaulah seeing his army dispersed, mounted a swift camel

and after travelling the whole night, accompanied by 2000 horsemen, reached Murshidábád at 8 o'clock A. M. the next morning (24th June, 1757). He called his chief officers, but all refused to come, even his father-in-law. The state of things being altered, he did not think it advisable to remain in Murshidábád. Having placed a few faithful servants on carriages, he collected as much gold and as many jewels as he could, and left Murshidábád at 3 o'clock A. M. At Bhagwángólá he took boats and sailed up the river towards Rájmahal, where he was to meet M. Las. The meeting was, however, not to take place, for M. Las had been delayed through a want of punctuality on the part of his native servants, "a misfortune frequently experienced in Hindústán."

القصه چون سراج الدوله از بهگوان گوله براها دریا روانه شده در راج محل

رسید آنجا بسبب اضطراب اطفال و زن خود که بسبب جوع داشتند بذات خود از کشتی فرود آمده بفکر بهم رسانیدن طعام افتاد و در تکيه فقيري رسيده ازو درین باب اعانت خواست. از اتفاقات این درویش را سراج الدوله در عهد خود بجرمي آزاری رسانیده و ریش و بروت او را حلق ساخته باستخفاف او کوشیده بود . او کینه دیرینه در دل داشت * سراج الدوله را از وضع او شناخته بظاهر تسلي و استماله نمود و تياري پختن کهچري کرده بسرعت تمام رفته ازين حال بحاكم راج محل خبر داد . و درانجا میر محمد قاسم خان خویش میر محمد جعفر خان در تلاش سراج الدوله رسیده بود ازین واقعه خبر یافته جمعیت خود بر کشتیهای سراج الدوله رسیده او را با همراهیانش

فورا مع

گرفتار کرد

(1)

و آنچه نقد و جواهرات همراه داشت بقبضة مير محمد قاسم خان در آمد . و سراج الدوله با همچو مردمان كه يك هفته پیش ازان بار سلام او نمی یافتند لجاج و سماج از حد گذرانید که آنچه همراه دارم گرفته از سر من بگذرید که بطرفی آواره شوم اما سودی نه بخشید . و او را گرفته بمرشد آباد آوردند . ميرن عرف صادق علي خان پسر میر محمد جعفر خان خبر ورود سراج الدوله شنیده او را نزد خود طلبداشته و بجائي تنگ و تاريك مفيد كرده و از رفقاي خود خواهان قتل او گردید . مگر کسی اقدام باین امر قبیح نکرده آخر محمدی بیگ نام شخصی که پرورده نعمت مهابت جنگ جدش بود وجده یا مادرش او را با دختري که پرورش کرده بود با او عقد مناکحت بسته و بان سبب عزتي و منزلتی دیگر داشت از کمال شقاوت مستعد باین امر شنیع شده نزد سراج الدوله آمد . و آن مقید بی دست و پا انواع معذرت کرده حق پرورش یاد داد . آن شقي شديد ثاني يزيد مطلق نشنید و بضرب شمشیر کارش تمام ساخت . بعد قتل بحکم میرن نعش او را بر هوده فيلي انداخته در تمام شهر تشہیر کردند . بعد ازان در خوش باغ که بمغرب از قلعه مرشد آباد آن طرف دریاست در مقبره مهابت جنگ مدفون ساختند . و بعد چندي میرزا مهدي علي خان برادر خورد سراج الدوله را بگیر آورده در شگنجه کشیده از جان کشتند و به پهلوی برادرش بخاک سپردند . نظامت سراج الدوله يك سال و چهار ماه بود و قتل او در آخر ماه شوال سنة يكهزار و يك صد و هفتاد واقع شد *

"When Sirájuddaulah had reached Rájmahal, he left the ship, as his wife and children were starving. With the view of procuring food, he entered the hut of a faqeer and asked him for assistance. It. happened that Sirájuddaulah had inflicted some time ago a punishment upon this very dervish on account of some crime, and had besides disgraced him by having given the order to shave off his The dervish hated him still, and having beard and mustachios. recognized the Nawáb by his manners, feigned compassion and tried to soothe him. After making preparations to cook some khicharí

(1) This should be . The writer wished, however, to have a rhyme

in Hind., is adulation, humiliation, The سماجت The meaning of لجاج for ميون عرف الخ phrase

in the next sentence is not Persian either.

for him, the dervish ran to the Governor of Rajmahal and gave information. In the mean time Mír Muhammad Qásim Khán, a relation of Mír Muhammad Ja'far, had arrived in search of Sirájuddaulah, and having obtained the desired information, seized with the aid of his men the boats of the fugitive and captured Sirájuddaulah with his companions. All the jewels and the money fell into his hands. Thus was Sirájuddaulah in the power of men, to whom, a week ago, he might have refused admission. He conjured them to take all he had, but to spare his life and let him escape. But in vain. On his arrival as a prisoner in Murshidábád, Míran, known as Sádiq 'Alí Khán, the son of Mír Muhammad Ja'far, gave orders, that he should be brought before him, and confined him in a dark and narrow room of the palace. Míran desired his companions to kill him, but no one came forward to do the black deed. At last a man was found of the name of Muhammadí Bég, who had been under obligations to Mahábat Jang, the Nawab's grandfather, and had married a woman, whom either the grandmother or the mother of Sirájuddaulah had brought up. In consequence of this marriage he held an honorable position. When this man came to Sirájuddaulah's room, the wretched prisoner made all sorts of excuses, and reminded him of the obligations under which he lay. But the cruel wretch, the second Yazid, would not listen, struck him with the sword and killed him."

"By Míran's order the body was thrown on an elephant and carried about openly throughout the whole town, but was afterwards buried in the grave of Mahábat Jang in Khushbágh, west of the palace of Murshidabad, near the river. Some time afterwards Mahdí Alí Khán, Sirájuddaulah's younger brother, was captured and tortured to death. He lies buried by the side of his brother.

Sirájuddaulah had reigned for one year and four months, and was killed in the end of the month of Shawwal 1170 A. H."

Regarding the installation of Mír Ja'far the author says—

w

3

و کرنیل کلیف مظفر و منصور گردیده با میر محمد جعفر ملاقات نمود

w

و از طرفین رسم مبارک باد ادا شد و با همدیگر روانه شده داخل مرشد آباد شد محمد جعفر بقصر إمارت رسيده جمله سرداران شهر و اهلکاران ریاست را جمع نموده درباری قرار داد و کرنیل کلیف در همان دربار برخاسته و دست

محمد جعفر گرفته بر مسند ریاست نشانید و شلك سلامي اثواب بابت مير تعلق صوبجات ثلثه بنگاله و بهار و اودیسه بمير محمد جعفر سر شد . بعد ازان خود میر محمد جعفر بهمراهي کرنيل كليف و بعضی دیگر از انگریزان و رام چند دیوان و نب کشن منشيء كرنیل کلیف در خزانه رفته عرض خزانه گرفتنده مجموع زر نقد از اشرفي و روپيه چيزي زايد از دو کرور یافتند . و مشهور است که وراي این خزانه دیگر در محل سراها بود که آنرا میر محمد جعفر از کرنیل کلیف بسازش دیوان و منشي او مخفي داشت و آنجا از جنس طلا و نقره آلات و جواهرات کم از هشت کرور نبود که آنرا میر محمد جعفر و امیر بیگ و رام چند و نب کشن با هم تقسیم کردند . و این امر چندان بعید از قیاس نیست چراکه رام چند و نب کشن که دران زمانه زاید از شصت شصت روبية ماهوار نمی یافتند رام چند که بعد از ده سال ازین معامله فوت کرد یک کرور و بیست و پنج لك روپيه نقد گذاشت و همچنین نب کشن در همان عرصه نه لك روپیه در مصارف صوت مادر خود صرف نموده .

"After the victory Col. Clive met with Mir Muhammad Ja'far. They congratulated each other and went together to Murshidábád. On their arrival at the palace, the nobles of the city and the Government officials were called to a darbár. Col. Clive took Mir Ja'far's hand and led him to the Masnad. At the same time salutes were fired to indicate the transfer of the súbahs of Bengal, Bahár, and Orissa, to Mir Ja'far. After the darbár, the new Nawab, Col. Clive with a few Englishmen, the Diwán Rám Chand, and Nab Kishn, the Colonel's munshí, inspected the treasury, where a sum of more than 20 millions of rupees, in silver and gold, was found.

"It is also well known that besides this treasury there existed another in the Harem, which fact Mir Muhammad Ja'far concealed from Col. Clive, at the instigation of the díwán and Clive's munshí, The value of the gold and silver articles and of the jewels found there was not less than 80 millions of rupees. The whole was divided among Mir Ja'far, Rám Chand, Amir Bég and Nab Kishn. This transaction is indeed very probable, as Rám Chand left a fortune of 12 millions of rupees at his death, ten years later; whilst Nab Kishn could afford to pay 900,000 rupees on the occasion of the death

of his mother. Yet both men were in receipt of only 60 rupees per month at the time of the division."

Then follows an account of the money paid to the Company and the troops, as also of the "consideration" paid to the civil authorities and to Col. Clive. The author gives also the agreement made between the English and Mír Muhammad Ja'far, which he confesses to have taken from the memoirs of Nawáb Shams uddaulah, Anglicò Mr. Vansittart. The agreement is the same as given in "The Treatises, Engagements, Sunnuds. Calcutta 1862, Vol. I, p. 11."

Notes on Murshidábád, &c.

The description given of the town of Murshidabad contains nothing new or interesting. The short history which the author gives, may be found in the Aráish i Mahfil (ed. Lees, p. 114) and in Thornton's Gazetteer of India. But the following extracts are perhaps of interest.

از ابنیه قدیم امام باره بوده است از بناهاي نواب سراج الدوله بن

زین الدین احمد خان هیبت جنگ نوده میرزا بندی علي وردي خان مهابت جنگ که باحتیاط و احترام تمام ساخته و مزدوران مسلمان دران کارخانه بودند و هنود دخل نیافتند. و اول روز نواب خود بدست مبارک خشت و گچ آورد و نهاد و بعد از ان معماران کار کردند و در میان امام باره که موسوم بمدينه بود قد آدم زمین حفر کرده از خاک پاک یعنی خاک کربلا پر کرده بودند . صاحب رياض السلاطين مداح خوبی این عمارت است و دیگران هم میگویند.

* Articles 6 and 7 mention compensations payable to Hindoos and Muham. madans.' The "Treatises, Engagements, Sunnuds, Calcutta 1862" has instead the reading "Gentoos and Musulmans." It appears that the English in India at the time of Sirájuddaulah, used the terms " Moors and Gentoos for Muhammadans and Hindus." Even Orme uses these terms, although he objects to them, on the score of their incorrectness, recommending Musulmans for Moors. Gentoos is Portuguese and the same as Gentiles, heathens. Perhaps it may be of interest to mention here a few other differences in usage. Thus the word Subah was employed for Súbahdár. The word Himalaya was unknown and Indian Caucasus used instead of it. Peon had the meaning of irregular infantry. Murshidabad was spelt and pronounced Muxadavád (the vulgar still pronounce it Mukshidabad or Muksidabad); we find also Orixa for Orissa, Morattoes for Mahrattas, Pitan for Pathan, phirmaund for firmán, Scháh for Sháh, Jehanguir for Jehangir, Industán for Hindustán, Helebás for Ilahbás, now called Allahahad, &c. &c. I do not know, whether the word Muxadavad is a corruption of Makhçúçábád, the old name of Murshidábád.