than based on the solid principles of liberty, or the incontestable dictates of reason. A qualified exception, however, must be made to this remark, in the case of the BANK OF THE UNITED STATES, which, in order to escape any imputation of prejudice, I shall cite in the words of Judge Marshall himself, as I have previously done, on several occasions from the same motive.

The opposition contended, with what justice the reader must decide-that, “The banishment of COIN would be completed by ten millions of paper money in the form of Bank Bills, which were then issuing into circulation. Nor would this be the only mischief resulting from the institution of the bank. The ten, or twelve per cent. annual profit paid to the lenders of this paper medium, would be taken out of the pockets of the people, who would have had, without interest, the coin it was banishing. That all the capital employed in paper circulation is barren and useless, producing like that on a gaming table, no accession to itself, and is withdrawn from commerce and agriculture, where it would have produced addition to the common mass. The wealth, therefore, heaped upon individuals by the funding and banking systems, would be productive of general poverty and distress. That, in addition to the encouragement these measures gave to vice and idleness, they had furnished effectual means of corrupting such a portion of the Legislature as turned the balance between the honest voters. This corrupt squadron, deciding the voice of the Legislature, had manifested their dispositions to GET RID OF THE LIMITATIONS IMPOSED BY THE CONSTITUTION; limitations ON THE FAITH OF WHICH the STATES ACCEDED TO THAT INSTRUMENT. They were proceeding rapidly in their plan of absorbing all power, INVADING THE RIGHTS OF THE STATES, and converting the federal into a consolidated

GOVERNMENT."

"That the ultimate object of all this was to prepare the way for a change from the present republican form of government to that of a monarchy, of which the English constitution was to be the model. So many of the friends of monarchy were in the Legislature, that, aided by the corrupt squad of paper dealers who were at their devotion, they had a majority in both houses. The republican party, even when united with the anti-federalists, continued a minority." These arguments were ably replied to on the opposite side.

These arguments and imputations, however, were not so much intended to apply to Washington and his measures, as to Colonel Hamilton, the Secretary of the Treasury, and ostensible head of the consolidated federal party.

In respect to General Washington, the purity of his heart and character, repelled the approximation of all the elements of party. His views were national; every pulsation of his heart was for his country; and being exalted above the influence of interest, by every consideration of character and popularity with the whole people, it was utterly impossible, that any party could claim him as its leader, or that any of his measures or views could be referred or traced to party motives. If he did entertain one of sentiment, it was an honest one, and that error was perhaps a preference of a government of law and force, to a government of opinion-an error which may be traced to the fact, that he acquired his education under the strict notions of the monarchy, and contracted his habits in the employment of the royal government, as a military man:being still, not less a republican in principle-not less an American in practice.

These conflicts of party opinions, would have passed by Washington wholly disregarded, had they not invaded the tranquillity of his cabinet; and arrayed in dire hostility the Secretary of State (Jefferson!) and the Secretary of the Treasury, [Hamilton! These officers, from the first moment of their entrance into the cabinet, had disagreed upon principles of essential importance to the harmony of the administration. This radical contrariety in their characters and views, naturally became augmented with the lapse of time; and every measure of government conduced more or less to widen the breach, as they more clearly demonstrated the irreconcilable hostility of their doctrines, views and opinions: Mr. Jefferson, having been from the first a warm champion of liberty, and opposed to the federal constitution, as implying a power of supremacy over the sovereignty of the States; and General Hamilton being the most prominent of those who favoured a federal government, whose power should supersede opinion, and extinguish the rights of the States. On the same principle, Mr. Jefferson was partial to France, and Mr. Hamilton partial to England, and as inimical to France, as Mr. Jefferson was inimical to England!

To trace all the forms of this hostility is not consistent with the main object of this biography. As it affected Washington, it caused him the deepest mortification and chagrin; so much so as to draw from him the following letters to the Secretary of State, and Secretary of the Treasury, conceived in the purest spirit of patriotism, and breathing the fond affection of a father towards his children. The first letter bears the date of August 23, 1792. Having entered into a review of the delicate external relations of the United States, he thus digressed to the main topic of his epistle:" How unfortunate, and how much is it to be regretted, then, that while we are encompassed on all sides with avowed enemies, and insidious friends, internal dissentions should be harrowing and tearing our vitals. The last, to me, is the most serious, the most alarming, and the most afflicting of the two; and without more charity for the opinions of one another in governmental matters, or some more infallible criterion by which the truth of speculative opinions, before they have undergone the test of experience, are to be forejudged, than has yet fallen to the lot of fallibility, I believe it will be difficult, if not impracticable, to manage the reins of government, or to keep the parts of it together; for if, instead of laying our shoulders to the machine, after measures are decided on, one pulls this way, and another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, it must inevitably be torn asunder; and, in my opinion, the fairest prospect of happiness and prosperity that ever was presented to man, will be lost, perhaps, forever."

"My earnest wish, and my fondest hope, therefore, is, that, instead of wounding suspicions, and irritating charges, there may be liberal allowances, mutual forbearances, and temporising yielding on all sides. Under the exercise of these, matters will go on smoothly, and, if possible, more prosperously. Without them, every thing must rub, the wheels of government will clog, our enemies will triumph, and, by throwing their weight into the disaffected scale, may accomplish the ruin of the goodly fabric we have been erecting."

"I do not mean to apply this advice, or these observations, to any particular person or character. I have given them in the same general terms to other officers of the government, because the disagreements which have arisen from difference of opinions, and the attacks which have been

The

made upon almost all the measures of government, and most of its executive officers, have for a long time past filled me with painful sensations, and cannot fail, I think, of producing unhappy consequences, at home and abroad." letter to General Hamilton was almost a literal copy of this to Mr. Jefferson. Another was also addressed by him to Mr. Randolph, the Attorney General.

These paternal efforts to compose the internal wars of the Cabinet proved wholly unsuccessful, although urged by Washington with a pathos and eloquence truly patriotic.

The opposition to the excise laws, in the western counties of Pennsylvania, now disturbed the serenity of the administration by acts of open rebellion; to quell which, Washington issued his proclamation, exhorting the interference and aid of the CIVIL MAGISTRATES.

In the management of the FOREIGN REELATIONS of the United States, at the head of which Mr. Jefferson stood, Washington had been eminently successful. France was accommodated with a loan, to enable her to recover St. Domingo from her revolted negroes.

Major General Wayne was now appointed to the command of the army, in place of St. Clair, against the hostile bands of western Indians. On the 5th of November, 1792, Congress again assembled. In his speech, Washington recommended the civilization of the Indian tribes, as the best means of diverting them from the pursuits of war, as well as earnestly pressed the adoption of measures, to ensure the speedy redemption of the public debt. Nothing, however, of any importance, marked this session of Congress, but the introduction and rejection of resolutions, criminating the conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury, in the management of the public loans and funded debt. Congress expired on the 3d of March; leaving parties in a higher state of irritation, and fomenting more than ever the original feelings of hostility, which marked their oppo

sition.

On the 22d February, 1793, the birth day of Washington was first celebrated; and Congress adjourned for half an hour, to pay him their respects; but not without some opposition from the anti-federal and republican party.

In 1793, the announcement of the French revolution, and the adoption of a republican constitution on the ruins of the monarchy, created a burst of enthusiasm throughout

the United States, which though not universal was far from being confined to the republican party; though by others, it was greeted by more tempered feelings, and qualified approbation, until ultimately parties approved or denounced it, as they stood ranged under their different banners. Those who may be emphatically denominated the PEOPLE, looked upon it with eyes of admiration and rapture. Washington himself extended towards it the hand of a ready welcome.

The expiration of his first term of four years now approaching, Washington contemplated declining another election; but being overruled by his friends, he yielded to the general wish of the public, and was UNANIMOUSLY reelected. But Mr. Adams encountered serious opposition from the State rights party; and although re-elected, yet it was by a small majority over GEORGE CLINTON: a constitutional incompatibility having interfered with the election of Mr. Jefferson to that office-he being a citizen of the same State as the President, which the constitution expressly provides against.

Towards FRANCE, and her revolution, Washington deported himself on the maxim, “That every nation possessed a right to govern itself according to its own will, to change its institutions at discretion, and to transact its business through whatever agents it might think proper: but, at the same time, he determined to maintain the neutrality of the United States, and not to become involved in the dissentions of Europe.

France now declared war against Great Britain and Holland, and the American public became inflamed with animosity against England, and an enthusiastic feeling in favour of French liberty, and the general cause of France.

The President, being strengthened by the unanimous opinion of his cabinet, issued a proclamation of neutrality, on the 22d April, 1793.

The next question was not concurred in with the same unanimity-whether the President should receive a minister from the republic of France? Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph maintained the affirmative, on the ground that the revolution had produced no change in the relations between the two nations. Mr. Hamilton and General Knox held contrary opinions, on the ground that France had no right to involve other nations, absolutely and uncondition