under his protection the mother country, he cannot refuse to visit. When all this is done and settled, and nothing of the old world remains unsubdued, he may turn to the new one; but will he attack us first, from whom he will get but hard knocks and no money? Or will he first lay hold of the gold and silver of Mexico and Peru, and the diamonds of Brazil? A republican emperor, from his affection to republics, independent of motives of expediency, must grant to ours the Cyclop's boon of being the last devoured. While all this is doing, we are to suppose the chapter of accidents read out, and that nothing can happen to cut short or to disturb his enterprises." From this view of the affairs of Napoleon, he turns to a dissertation on the fatuity of kings, which will interest the reader. "When I observed that the king of England was a cypher, I did not mean to confine the observation to the mere individual now on that throne. The practice of kings marrying only into the families of kings has been that of Europe for some centuries. Now, take any race of animals, confine them in idleness and inaction, whether in a stye, a stable, or a state room, pamper them with high diet, gratify all their sexual appetites, immerse them in sensualities, nourish their passions, let every thing bend before them, and banish whatever might lead them to think, and in a few generations they become all body and no mind; and this, too, by a law of nature, by that very law by which we are in the constant practice of changing the characters and propensities of the animals we raise for our own purposes. Such is the regimen in raising kings; and in this way they have gone on for centuries. While in Europe, I often amused myself with contemplating the characters of the then reigning sovereigns of Europe. Louis the XVI. was a fool, of my own knowledge, and in despite of the answers made for him at his trial. The king of Spain was a fool, and of Naples the same. They passed their lives in hunting, and despatched two couriers a week one thousand miles to let each other know what game they had killed the preceding days. The king of Sardinia was a fool. All these were Bourbons. The queen of Portugal, a Braganza, was an idiot by nature. And so was the king of Denmark. Their sons, as regents, exercised the powers of government. The king of Prussia, successor to the great Frederick, was a mere hog in body, as well as in mind. Gustavus, of Sweden, and Joseph of Austria, were really crazy, and George of England, you know, was in a straight waistcoat. There remained, then, none but old Catharine, who had been too lately picked up to have lost her common sense. In this state Buonaparte found Europe; and it was this state of its rulers which lost it with scarce a struggle. These animals had become without mind and powerless; and so will every hereditary monarch be after a few generations. Alexander, the grandson of Catharine, is as yet an exception. He is able to hold his own. But he is only of the third generation. His race is not yet worn out. And so endeth the Book of Kings, from all of whom the Lord deliver us, and have you, my friend, and all such good men and true, in his holy keeping."

Although he admired the religion of the QUAKERS, yet he most heartily detested their politics: for in writing to Lafayette in 1817, he thus severely portrays them:-" That (Delaware) is essentially a Quaker State, the fragment of a religious sect, which there, as in the other States in England, are a homogeneous mass, acting with one mind, and that directed by the mother society in England. Dispersed, as the Jews, they still form, as those do, one nation, foreign to the land they live in. They are Protestant Jesuits, im plicitly devoted to the will of their superior, and forgetting all duties to their country, in the execution of the policy of their order. When war is proposed with England, they have religious scruples; but when with France, these are laid by, and they become clamorous for it. They are, however, silent, passive, and give no other trouble than of whipping them along."

I have enumerated, among Mr. Jefferson's frailties his want of moral courage, which kept him from that candid avowal of his political opinions in the presence of his opponents, which appeared almost in the light of an act of treachery towards his friends, his party and his principles. The following account from his own pen of his alienation from Mr. Adams, will not only illustrate this feature of his character, but will also show the feeble texture of that discrepancy of opinion, which seperated him even from the father of the alien and sedition laws, when those opinions were pressed home to their testing point" You remember the machinery, says Mr. Jefferson, which the federalists played off, about that time, to beat down the friends to the real principles of our Constitution, to silence by terror every expression in their favour, to bring us into war with France, and alliance with England, and finally to homologise our constitution with that of England. Mr. Adams, you know, was overwhelmed with feverish addresses, dictated by the fear, and often by the pen of the bloody buoy; and was seduced by them into some open indications of his new principles of government, and in fact was so elated as to mix with his kindness a little superciliousness towards me. Even Mrs. Adams, with all her good sense and prudence, was sensibly flushed. And you recollect the short suspension of our intercourse, and the circumstance which gave rise to it, which you were so good as to bring to an early explanation, and have set to rights, to the cordial satisfaction of us all. The nation at length passed condemnation on the political principles of the federalists, * by refusing to continue Mr. Adams in the Presidency. On the day on which we learned in Philadelphia, the vote of the city of New York, which it was well known would decide the vote of the State, and that, again, the vote of the Union, I called on Mr. Adams on some official business. He was very sensibly affected, and accosted me with these words Well, I understand you are to beat me in this contest, and I will only say that I will be as faithful a subject as any you will have." • Mr. Adams, said I, this is no personal contest between you and me. Two systems of principles, on the subject of government, divide our fellow citizens into two parties. With one of these you concur, and I with the other. As we have been longer on the public stage than most of those now living, our names happen to be more generally known. One of these parties, there

* There is a great fallacy in this idea, which Jefferson himself has exploded in another letter, where he acknowledges that the mad measures of Adams gave the republicans the victory. It was on those mad measures that the nation passed sentence of exclusion against Mr. Adams. If we are to understand by federal principles, federal policy, such as it was established by Washington, it never suffered any change, and of course, never incurred condemnation. What Jefferson calls 'the real principles of the Constitution,' did not extend to the frame of government, but related merely to moulding its administration to an accordance with PUBLIC OPINION; as contradistinguished from the policy of John Adams, who was for FORCING public opinion to an implicit approbation and support of every measure of government, right or wrong, expedient or pernicious.

fore, has put your name at its head, the other mine. Were we both to die to-day, to-morrow two other names would be in the place of ours, without any change in the motion of the machine. * Its motion is from its principle, not from you or myself.' 'I believe you are right, said he that we are but passive instruments, [what wretched delusion, or odious hypocricy! Mr. Adams a passive instrument!] and should not suffer this matter to affect our personal dispositions. But he did not long retain this just view of the subject. I have always believed that the thousand calumnies which the federalists, in bitterness of heart and mortification of their ejection, daily invented against me, were carried to him by their busy intriguers, and made some impression. When the election between Burr and myself was kept in suspense by the federalists, and they were meditating to place the president of the Senate at the head of the government, I called on Mr. Adams, with a view to have this desperate measure prevented by his negative. He grew warm in an instant, and said with a vehemence he had not used towards me before, Sir, the event of the election is within your own power. You have only to say you will do justice to the public creditors, maintain the navy, and NOT DISTURB THOSE HOLDING OFFICES, and the government will instantly be put into your hands. We know it is the wish of the people it should be so. Mr. Adams, said I, I know not what part of my conduct, in either public or private life, can have authorised a doubt of my fidelity to the public engagements. I say, however, I will not come into the government by capitulation. I will not enter on it, but in perfect freedom to follow the dictates of my own judgment.' I had before given the same answer to the same intimation from Governeur Morris. * Then, said he, things must take their course.' I turned the conversation to something else, and soon took my leave. It was the first time in our lives we had ever parted with

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* In this opinion few will be found to concur. I think the two conflicting parties would never have existed, but for Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson. The federal party died with the contests of these embittered rivals; and will never be revived. This is historical truth. The ascendant party, since the era of Madison's rule, has compre. hended more of federalism, federal doctrine, federal policy and federal men, than any of the ingredients of the opposite party; while Madison himself revived the NATIONAL BANK!

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any thing like dissatisfaction. And then followed those scenes of midnight appointment, which have been condemned by all men. The last day of his political power, the last hours, and even beyond the midnight, were employed in filling all offices, and especially permanent ones, with the bitterest federalists, and providing for me the alternative, either to execute the government by my enemies, whose study it would be to thwart and defeat all my measures, or to incur the odium of such numerous removals from office, as might bear me down. A little time and reflection effaced in my mind this temporary dissatisfaction with Mr. Adams, and restored me to that just estimate of his virtues and passions, which a long acquaintance had enabled me to fix. And my first wish became that of making his retirement easy, by any means in my power; for it was understood he was not rich. I suggested to some republican members of the delegation from his State, the giving him, either directly or indirectly, an office, the most lucrative in that State, and then offered to be resigned, if they thought he would not deem it affrontive. They were of opinion he would take great offence at the offer; and moreover, that the body of republicans would consider such a step in the outset as auguring very ill of the course I meant to pursue. * I dropped the idea, therefore, but did not cease to wish for some opportunity of renewing our friendly understanding."

"Two or three years after, having had the misfortune to lose a daughter, between whom and Mrs. Adams, there had been a considerable attachment, she made it the ocсаsion of writing me a letter, in which with the tenderest expressions of concern at this event, she carefully avoided a single one of friendship towards myself, and even concluded it with the wishes of her who once took pleasure in subscribing herself your friend, Abigail Adams. Unpromising as was the complexion of this letters, I determined to make an effort towards removing the clouds from between