The

idea and principle, which went to constitute an aristocracy of virtue and talents; and on this ground it advocated an enlargement of the powers of the federal government, commensurate to the grand object of the dignity and character of the nation abroad, and its interests at home. other party,' says Marshall, marked out for itself a more indulgent course. Viewing with extreme tenderness the case of the debtor, their efforts were unceasingly directed to his relief. To exact a faithful compliance with contracts was a measure too harsh to be insisted on, and was one which the people would not bear. They were uniformly in favour of relaxing the administration of justice, of affording facilities for the payment of debts, or of suspending their collection, and of remitting taxes. The same course of opinion led them to resist every attempt to transfer from their own hands into those of Congress, powers which by others were deemed essential to the preservation of the Union.'

The latter party constituted a decided majority of the PEOPLE. The former comprehended men of great wealth, of political distinction, and eminent family honours, as well as the officers, in general, of the army and navy.

The contests between these parties now began to rage with great animation, whenever the period returned for the annual elections of public officers.

The project for a convention of the States, to revise the state of the Union, originated with VIRGINIA, in January 1786, and had its first conception at Mount Vernon, from the lips of Washington himself, whose paternal solicitude for his country was excited to the highest pitch, by the breach of the public faith in the matter of the national debt -the general embarrassments of the country-the confusion of political principles, and sovereign powers and last, but not least, the virulence and rage of party conflicts, and jarring doctrines of tolerant liberty and inflexible justice.

To which of these parties Washington belonged will be seen from an extract from his Letter to the Governors of the States, already adverted to; and which will, at the same time, display the causes of their difference, as above detailed by Marshall. He says "The ability of the country to discharge the debts which have been incurred in its defence, is not to be doubted; an inclination, I flatter myself, will not be wanting. The path of our duty is plain before us. Ho

nesty will be found, on every experiment, to be the best, and only true policy. Let us, then, as a nation, be just; let us fulfil the public contracts which Congress had undoubtedly a right to make, for the purpose of carrying on the war, with the same good faith we suppose ourselves bound to perform our private engagements. In the mean time, let an attention to the cheerful performance of their proper business as individuals, and as members of society, be earnestly inculcated on the citizens of America. Then will they strengthen the hands of government, and be happy under its protection. Every one will yield the fruit of his labours-every one will enjoy his own acquisitions without molestation, and without danger." If these views were correct, still much allowance ought to be made for those who opposed them, when it is considered how recently the PEOPLE had escaped from the oppressive yoke of Britain; and that the POWER OF TAXATION, and an absolute government, had been the cause of their disruption from the crown of England. It was a pardonable error, if an error, to lean on the side of right, liberty, and ease, in preference to taxation, energetic authority, and voluntary impoverishment. But this will more fully appear as we proceed in the history of the great father of his country.

It having been settled that the Convention should meet in Annapolis, in the month of September, 1786, public attention was excited to an intense degree, in every section of the Union, upon the subject of its deliberations. Among others, Washington stood prominent for the boldness of his sentiments, and the magnitude of the powers to be vested in the Federal Union. In reply to a letter from Mr. Jay, he thus expresses himself: " Your sentiments that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. What the event will be is also beyond the reach of my foresight. We have errors to correct; we have probably had too good an opinion of human nature in forming our confederation. Experience has taught us that men will not adopt and carry into execution measures the best calculated for their own good, without the intervention of COERCIVE POWER. I do not conceive we can exist long as a nation, without lodging somewhere a power which will pervade the whole Union in as energetic a manner as the authority of the State governments extends over the several States. be fearful of investing Congress, constituted as that body

To

is, with ample authorities for national purposes, appears to me the very climax of popular absurdity, and madness. Could Congress exert them for the detriment of the people, without injuring themselves in an equal or greater proportion? Are not their interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents?" &c. "Many are of opinion that Congress have too frequently made use of the suppliant humble tone of requisition in applications to the States, when they had a right to assert their IMPERIAL dignity, and COMMAND OBEDIENCE. Be that as it may, requisitions are a perfect nullity, where thirteen sovereign, independent disunited States, are in the habit of discussing, and refusing or complying with them at their option. Requisitions are actually little better than a jest and a bye-word throughout the land. If you tell the Legislatures they have violated the treaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives of the confederacy, they will laugh in your face. What then is to be done? Things cannot go on in the same train forever. It is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with these circumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever. We are apt to run from one extreme into another. To anticipate and prevent disastrous contingencies, would be the part of wisdom and patriotism."

In the succeeding extract, we behold one of the most astonishing proofs of his ardent love of liberty, that reason could induce us to look for, or imagination realise in its wildest visions of human perfection; and which stamps him as inferior to none of the great champions of equal rights and human liberty.

"What astonishing changes a few years are capable of producing! I am told, that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government without horror. From thinking proceeds speaking, thence to acting, is often but a single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous! what a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions! what a triumph for the advocates of despotism to find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis of EQUAL LIBERTY are merely ideal and fallacious! Would to God that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend.

"Retired as I am from the world, I frankly acknowledge I cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator. Yet, having happily assisted in bringing the ship into port, and having been fairly discharged, it is not my business to embark again on a sea of troubles.

"Nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opinions would have much weight on the minds of my countrymen. They have been neglected, though given as a last legacy in the most solemn manner, I had then, perhaps, some claims to public attention. I consider myself as having none at present."

In this last sentiment, the father of his country underrated his own weight of character, and undervalued the sagacity and virtue of the people to appreciate his opinions, and pay deference to his judgment. Like all great minds, he was too precipitate in pronouncing judgment on his own weight of reputation, and, because the people would not immediately and implicitly adopt his views, he hastened to the unjust conclusion, that he was neglected, and that the public no longer esteemed the edicts of his genius, or the suggestion of his patriotism.

The Convention to revise the federal government being assembled at Annapolis, it was found that five States only had deputed commissioners-New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia. Mr. Dickerson being appointed president, they proceeded to the discussion of the object of their meeting, but finding their powers too limited to arrive at any profitable results, and that a minority of the States only were represented, they resolved to adjourn without any final action on the subject; having agreed to submit reports to their respective States, representing the expediency of revising and extending the federal system; for which purpose they recommended the appointment of deputies by the State Legislatures, to meet in Convention in the city of Philadelphia, on the 2d of May, 1787.

The Legislature of Virginia, in conformity to this recommendation, passed an act for the appointment of deputies, to assemble in convention at Philadelphia, for the purposes specified in the report of the Convention at Annapolis. Against his wishes, and in opposition to his remonstrances, Virginia placed Washington at the head of her deputation to the federal convention, for reasons which Mr. Madison thus detailed in a letter addressed to him: "It has been thought advisable to give this subject a very solemn dress, and all the weight which could be derived from a single State. This idea will also be pursued in the selection of characters to represent Virginia in the federal convention. You will infer our earnestness on this point, from the liberty which will be used of placing your name at the head of them. How far this liberty may correspond with the ideas by which you ought to be governed, will be best decided where it must ultimately be decided. In every event it will assist powerfully in marking the zeal of our legislature, and its opinion of the magnitude of the occasion." This appointment, so flattering to the pride of Washington, and so important to the country, he subsequently accepted, after many arguments and objections, all of which, however, were wholly detached from the merits of the question, or the principles involved in it.

It was certainly a spectacle of a novel character, to behold the eyes of all men turned towards Washington, in this civil crisis of the republic, to take a lead in the Convention, that was to revise and permanently settle the constitution of the United States. It was the more singular, from the fact, that his education was not scholastic, nor his studies in the civil or national law such as to qualify him to take a seat on equal grounds with such profound scholars and jurists, as Madison, Franklin, Adams, JEFFERSON, and others. Yet such was the fact, that the genius of Washington, combined with good sense, practical knowledge, and much experience, had qualified him for this task in a very eminent manner, and had even rendered him superior, in some respects, to those who were most preeminently qualified, in a mechanical sense, to discharge the duties of the important tasks assigned them.

The fact, however, cannot be concealed, that Washington had been in reality, the President of the United States, during the whole period of his military command-Congress having always acted by his promptings, or under his counsel and advice; so that his perpetual contact with the civil authority, and his influence over its deliberations, invested him with power, even greater than that of a Roman Dictator; while it excited his mind to a perpetual investigation of all those great principles, which enter into the formation of government, not as a theory, but a practical system, where the means proposed were to be chosen directly in

I