reference to the ends proposed to be attained. It is as a prac tical statesman, that we are to consider Washington-one who derived his knowledge from experience

tion, and who paid as little regard to abstract principles, or scientific deductions, in devising the means adapted to salu tary ends, as he felt disposed to regard with indifference, the study of systems, and the forms of shadows, when the substance stood before him, ready to be grasped, and prepared for all the uses of beneficial application to the government and happiness of mankind.

"For

Insurrections having broken out in Massachusetts, in alt the forms of ultra democracy, inimical alike to liberty, law, property, peace, and the personal safety of the citizen, Washington experienced all the anxiety and solicitude of a fond father, for the menaced fate of his beloved country; and in a letter to his friend, Colonel Humphries, he thus poured forth his feelings, and expressed his fears. God's sake, tell me," said he," what is the cause of all these commotions? do they proceed from licentiousness, British influence disseminated by the tories, or real grievances which admit of redress? If the latter, why was redress delayed until the public mind had become so much agitated? If the former, why are not the powers of government tried at once? It is as well to be without, as not to exercise them. Commotions of this sort, like snow-balls, gather strength as they roll, if there is no opposition in the way to divide and crumble them."

In answer to this, the Colonel thus describes the causes of the tumults: "I believe there are a few real grievances; and also some wicked agents, or emissaries, who have been busy in magnifying the positive evils, and fomenting causeless jealousies and disturbances. But it rather appears to me, that there is a licentious spirit prevailing among many of the people; a levelling principle; a desire of change; and a wish to annihilate all debts, public and private."

General Knox assigned the same causes to Washington, to explain the eastern insurrections: "The insurgents," he said, "were chiefly of the young and active part of the community, who were more easily collected than kept together. Desperate and unprincipled, they would probably commit overt acts of treason," &c. "It is indeed, a fact," he observed, "that high taxes are the ostensible cause of the commotion; but that they are the real cause is as far

Their

remote from truth, as light is from darkness. The people who are the insurgents, have never paid any, or but very little taxes. But they see the weakness of government. They feel at once their own poverty, compared with the opulent, and their own force; and they are determined to make use of the latter, in order to REMEDY THE FORMER. creed is, that the property of the United States has been protected from confiscation by the joint exertions of all, and therefore ought to be COMMON TO ALL. And he that attempts opposition to this creed, is an enemy to equity and justice, and ought to be swept from the face of the earth."

ear.

Such were the representations that were made to Washington, of the piratical character of the American people, by those high-toned officers of the army, who had access to his Such representations, whether too highly coloured, or but faithful pictures of the real state of the popular mind in New England, could not fail to make a deep and painful impression on the mind of Washington, and to impregnate him with the idea, that the entire democracy of the Union was about to apply the hand of pillage to the fortunes of the opulent, and the sword of assassination to the throats of the virtuous. That his idea of the evil had been extravagantly exaggerated by these accounts, appears from some parts of his reply to the letter last quoted. "I feel, my dear General Knox," says Washington, "infinitely more than I can express to you, for the disorders which have arisen in these States. Good God! who, besides a tory, could have foreseen, or a Briton have predicted them? I do assure you, that even at this moment, when I reflect upon the present aspect of our affairs, it seems to me like the visions of a dream. My mind can scarcely realise it as a thing in actual existence-so strange, so wonderful does it appear to me. In this, as in most other matters, we are too slow. When this spirit first dawned, it might probably have been easily checked; but it is scarcely within the reach of human ken, at this moment, to say when, where, or how it will terminate. There are combustibles in every State, to which a spark might set fire."

Colonel Lee, a member of Congress, having addressed Washington a letter on the same subject, invoking him to throw the influence and weight of his personal character in the scale opposed to this seditious movement, the General answered him in a strain so decidedly in favour of the

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prompt application of coercive measures on the part of the Union, that it deserves to be quoted, as well for its illustration of his energetic character, as for its analogy to recent movements in the Southern States; and which may excite regret in some, and exultation in others, that he could exhort to so severe, but so just an application of the remedy of force. Still, every opinion he utters is the opinion of a patriot, a sage, and a statesman, and are every way worthy of his genius and his fame.

"You talk, my good Sir," he writes in his answer to Colonel Lee, "of employing influence to appease the present tumults in Massachusetts. I know not where that influence is to be found; nor, if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for these disorders. Influence is not government. Let us have a government, by which our lives, liberties and properties will be secured; or let us know the worst at once. Under these impressions my humble opinion is, that there is a call for decision. Know precisely what the insurgents aim at. If they have real grievances, redress them if possible, or acknowledge the justice of them, and your inability to do it in the present moment. If they have not, employ the force of government against them at once. If this is inadequate, all will be convinced that the superstructure is bad, or wants support."

a

"These are my sentiments. Precedents are dangerous things. Let the reins of government then be braced, and held with steady hand, and every violation of the Constitution be reprehended. If defective, let it be amended, but not suffered to be trampled upon while it has an existence."

As I consider the developement of the feelings and opinions of Washington upon this insurrection, to constitute the most important part of his life, as well as affording to the people of the United States, a solemn and instructive lesson against the evils of anarchy, and the calamities of disunion, I shall pursue the subject to its close, as I feel bound to make a solemn appeal to every American, to receive the admonitions of Washington, as a political father, whose sole care was the freedom and happiness of this people, and whose only aim was the untarnished glory and fame of our common country.

His friend, Colonel Humphries, now addressed him a letter, in which he thus expressed himself in relation to the delicate and critical attitude of Washington. "In case of

civil discord, I have already told you, it was seriously my opinion, that you could not remain neuter; and that you would be obliged, in self-defence, to take part on one side or the other, or withdraw from the continent. Your friends are of the same opinion; and I believe you are convinced, that it is impossible to have more disinterested or zealous friends, than those who have been about your person."

In his reply, the General said, and his sentiments deserve to be indelibly engraved upon every heart-" It is with the deepest and most heartfelt concern, I perceive by some late paragraphs extracted from the Boston papers, that the Insurgents of Massachusetts, far from being satisfied with the redress offered by their general court, are still acting in open violation of law and government, and have obliged the chief magistrate, in a decided tone, to call upon the militia of the State, to support the constitution. What, gracious God! is man, that there should be such inconsistency and perfidiousness in his conduct. It is but the other day that we were shedding our blood to obtain the constitutions under which we now live-constitutions of our own choice and making; and now, we are unsheathing the sword to overturn them. The thing is so unaccountable, that I hardly know how to realise it, or to persuade myself that I am not under the illusion of a dream."

Happily for Washington, the insurrection was quelled by a small force of the Boston militia, with little loss of lives, and in the course of a few days. But its influence on the approaching measures of the Federal Convention, was very great, as it inclined public opinion to strengthen and enLarge the powers of the Union.

The suspicion that Washington favoured a resort to FORCE, or military power, in preference to enlarging the authority of the Union, by a Convention of the States, having been propagated to his disadvantage, General Knox, who before had dissuaded him from attending as a delegate, now changed his opinion, and exhorted him to accept the appointment of his native State. Knox, in his letter says:

Were you not to attend the Convention, slander and malice might suggest, that FORCE would be the most agreeable mode of reform to you. When civil commotion rages, no purity of character, no services however exalted, can afford a secure shield from the shafts of calumny."

"On the other hand, the unbounded confidence the people have in your tried patriotism and wisdom, would exceedingly facilitate the adoption of any important alterations that might be proposed by a Convention of which you were a member, and (as I before hinted) the President."

The Convention now met at Philadelphia, the representatives from twelve States, having presented themselves, Rhode Island only having been averse to the scheme. WASHINGTON having been unanimously chosen President, they immediately, with closed doors, began to prosecute the great and important subject of their congregation.

On the 17th of September, 1787, the CONVENTION was proclaimed to the people, accompanied by a resolution, that the fruit of their labours should be laid before the United States in Congress assembled; and should afterwards be submitted to a convention of delegates chosen in each State by the people thereof, under the recommendation of its Legislature, for their assent and ratification-its ratification by nine States being required as the condition of its going into operation.

The Constitution, thus framed, was transmitted by Washington' to Congress, in a letter written by him, in which it was said to be "the result of a spirit of amity, and of that mutual deference and concession, which the peculiarity of their political situation rendered indispensable." "That it will meet the full and entire approbation of every State," he continued, "is not, perhaps, to be expected; but each will doubtless consider, that had her interests been alone consulted, the consequences might have been, particularly disagreeable or injurious to others. That it is liable to as few exceptions as could reasonably have been expected, we hope and believe; that it may promote the lasting welfare of that country so dear to us all, and secure her freedom and happiness, is our most ardent wish."

It may safely be alleged, when we consider the vast disparity of views, discrepancy of principles, and discordancy of feeling, which prevailed in the convention, that its adoption was chiefly owing to the personal influence and political weight of character which, on the score of wisdom, purity, and patriotism, attached to the presence of Washington, who, soaring above all imputation of party, or undue bias, reposed on the broad doctrines of national happiness, political liberty, and united independence. This idea is fortified and confirmed by the strenuous opposition