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ask, that it was politic to submit it at the present time? Certainly not, if it was opposed to the individual opinions, of a large portion of the people of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania. We carried the call of a convention with some difficulty; and, in all probability, the adoption of the amendments would be attended with not less opposition.

Now, if we introduced amendments, which were contrary to the consciences and opinions of many, we should consequently compel them to vote against the other amendments. He trusted, that delegates would not introduce an amendment which would interfere with notions of christian duty-that they would confine themselves to mere political questions, and leave this question for farther deliberation. The commonwealth had existed without this provision in its constitution ever since the year 1776, up to this time, and he thought that there was no danger to be apprehended as to its existence for two years longer. But, if he entertained the opinion, that it would end in a general conflagration, or that the delegate from Luzerne, (Mr. Sturdevant) would be compelled to marry a person contrary to his wishes and inclination, why, then, he would not advocate a postponement of the question. But, he did not think, things would come to such a pass.

Although, the gentleman from the county of Philadelphia, (Mr. Martin) might entertain the opinion, that the coloured people have no claim to exercise the right of suffrage, and although, he might consider those who advocated their rights, as making professions which were nothing less than hypocrisy, and a cheat attempted to be practised upon the rest of the community; and although he might establish that fact to the conviction of the convention, yet' he would, probably, not be so successful in regard to the whole people of the commonwealth.

The delegate from Luzerne (Mr. Sturdevant) had argued, that the negroes are a distinct race. There would be many unconvinced, notwithstanding his opinion and the argument he had advanced.

What, he Mr. E., would ask, did the declaration of independence of the United States, say? Did it mean what it said? Did the gentleman from Luzerne, mean to assert, that Jefferson, Madison, Franklin, Patrick Henry, Hancock, Judge Marshall, and in short, all the patriots and wise men, of the former and the present age, did not mean what they have said? The gentleman stated what to him seemed to imply, that the Creator of the universe, committed a radical error, when he made men of different complexions; and he attemped to show the convention the superiority of the whites over three-fourths of the people of the world, and he declared that he would maintain his superiority in this world, and in the world to come.

Mr. STURDEVANT, (interrupting) explained, that he had made use of no such language, as that which was attributed to him. He had said, that he would maintain on that floor, and in the world to come, if he was permitted, that the negroes are a degraded race, and the white entitled to superiority over them.

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Mr. EARLE. If he was permitted" he would do so. Well, the gentleman's argument went the length of saying that the Chinese, the East Indians, the Spaniards, the Egyptians, in fact, that three-fourths of the human race are brutes, and are made for the use and service of the other

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part. Although the gentleman might think it policy to convince the people generally, that such was the fact, yet the people might remain unconvinced.

He, Mr E., had said that he understood the delegate from Luzerne, to maintain that the Creator of the universe committed a radical error, in making men of different complexions. If he misrepresented the delegate, he was sorry for it. He, however, had understood him to say so, and that the negroes were a degraded and inferior race, and would remain so, and that he was sorry for it, but that the Creator had so willed it. fore, the gentleman was sorry for what the Creator had done.

There

Now, many of the people of the commonwealth, might not regret it; and hence they might not adopt the amendment. They might entertain the opinion, that the declaration of independence meant what it saidthat Jefferson meant what he said. Looking, then, at this question in every point of view, he thought the better course would be to leave it for future action, when it could be discussed calmly and deliberately, and when, perhaps, gentlemen would have a fairer opportunity of convincing the people of the commonwealth, of the justice and correctness of their views.

He believed the amendment which the gentleman proposed, would be contrary to the religious opinions of a majority of the professors of religion of this commonwealth, taking all denominations together, and we know that among them there are many of your most intelligent men, as well as many very intelligent females. There were many of those persons who were accustomed to read in the Scriptures : "You shall do unto others, as you would that others should do unto you."

Now, he presumed the gentleman from Luzerne, would look upon this as referring merely to affairs of private intercourse, but there were many who would look upon it otherwise. There were men who would believe it to be as wrong to deprive a man of political rights, as of any other rights.

These people of colour are under the same laws which we are under. They are liable to be taxed, to be fined, to be imprisoned, and why should they not have the same rights secured to them, which we have? Gentlemen should not deal harshly with these people. As it is said in St. Luke, " you should be merciful as your Father in Heaven also is merciful."

He would engage that these people could show by the Holy Scriptures, that God was no respecter of persons; and if we expect him to be merciful to us, we must be merciful to others. In the day of retribution, there would be no inquiries made as to whether we had white or black skins, so that we have clear hearts; therefore, let us do justice to all, and oppress none, however degraded, or of whatever description of persons.

If gentlemen will look to the Acts of the Apostles, chapter 17, verse 26, they will see it there written, that "God hath made oF ONE BLOOD, all nations of men, for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their habitations."

Now, he wished gentlemen who were in favor of liberal principles, to have time to bring forward proofs of the justice of the amendment,

attempted to be passed through this convention, if it be true that it has justice for its foundation. He wished gentleman to give time to ascertain whether that part of the declaration of independence, which says that all men were born free and equal, only meant white men, or whether it meant all men.

He, Mr. E., could, in his present state of mental darkness, see but little difference between personal slavery, and political slavery, for the moment you subject a man to proscription, and make him a slave politically, that moment you adopt a principle, which, if sound, will justify enslaving him personally.

He considered this as a question of liberty or slavery, and thus he should treat it. He would ask gentlemen to weigh well this matter, before they decided it. He would ask them what would be thought of it by the friends of free government in Europe, if such a principle was adopted, in a land professedly of liberty and equality.

The congress of the United States, as early as 1774, and again in 1776, passed resolutions, reprobating the slave trade, and declaring that they would neither be concerned in it, nor lease their vessels to those that were; and would gentlemen, at this late day, endeavor to establish a principle so odious, as the one now proposed to be established? He trusted not. He hoped there were too many liberal minded men in this body, to establish any such as this.

He would now beg leave to call the attention of gentlemen to an extract from Sterne's Uncle Toby.

"A negro has a soul, an' please your honor," said the Corporal (doubtingly.)

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"I am not much versed, Corporal," quoth my Uncle Toby, "in things of that kind; but I suppose God would not leave him without one, any more than thee and me.

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"It would be putting one sadly over the head of the other," quoth the Corporal.

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Why then, an' please your honor, is a black man to be used worse than a white one ?"

"I can give no reason," said my Uncle Toby.

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Only," cried the corporal, shaking his head, "because he has no one to stand up for him."

"It is that very thing, Trim," quoth my Uncle Toby mends him to protection."-Tristam Shandy.

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This was a sentiment which gentlemen should take into consideration, as he feared it was too much overlooked. He begged leave to call the attention of the convention, to an extract from a letter from Gen. Washington, to Gen. Lafayette, on this subject. The extract was аз follows:

"The benevolence of your heart, my dear Marquis, is so conspicuous on all occasions, that I never wonder at fresh proofs of it; but your late

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purchase of an estate in the Colony of Cayenne, with a view of emancipating the slaves, is a generous and noble proof of your humanity. Would to God, a like spirit might diffuse itself generally, into the minds of the people of this country! But I despair of seeing it. Some petitions were presented to the assembly at its last session, for the abolition of slavery; but they could scarely obtain a hearing."-Letter to Lafay

ette.

Gen. Washington also wrote to John F. Mercer as follows:

"I never mean, unless some particular circumstances should compel me to it, to possess another slave by purchase, it being among my first wishes to see some plan adopted, by which slavery, in this country, may be abolished by law."-Letter to John F. Mercer.

These were the sentiments of the father of his country on this subject, and they were certainly entitled to very great consideration. He wished also, to call the attention of the body to another letter from Gen. Washington, which showed that there were some persons of dark skin, who possessed talents worthy of his notice.

While Gen. Washington was in command of the army of the United States, a negro woman named Phillis Wheatly, a native African, and formerly a slave, wrote, and sent to him some verses, which called forth from him the following letter:

MISS PHILLIS:

"I thank you sincerely for your polite notice of me, in the elegant lines you enclosed; and however undeserving I may be of such encomium and panegyric, the style and manner exhibit a striking proof your poetical talents; in honor of which, and as a tribute justly due to you, I would have published the poem, had I not been apprehensive, that while I only wanted to give the world this new instance of your genius, I might have incurred the imputation of vanity. This, and nothing else, determined me not to give it a place in the public prints. If you should ever come to Cambridge, or near head quarters, I shall be happy to see a person so favored by the muses, and to whom nature has been so liberal, and beneficent in her dispensations. I am, with great respect, your obedient, humble, servant.'

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This showed that, in the opinion of Washington, great talent might exist, as well with persons of dark, as fair skins, and where it existed, it was to be respected. Let gentlemen, then, be careful how they proscribe these people.

Mr. E. here gave way to

Mr. DARLINGTON, on whose motion,

The Convention adjourned.

THURSDAY, JANUARY 18, 1838.

Mr. SELLERS, of Montgomery, presented two memorials from citizens of Montgomery county, praying that such measures may be taken as effectually to prevent all amalgamation between the white and coloured population, so far as regards the government of this state;

Which was laid on the table.

Mr. EARLE, of Philadelphia county, presented three memorials from citizens of the county of Philadelphia, and parts adjacent, praying that no change may be made in the existing constitution, having a tendency to create distinctions in the rights and privileges of citizenship, based upon complexion;

Which was also laid on the table.

Mr. COATES, of Lancaster, presented a memorial similar in its char

acter;

Which was also laid on the table.

Mr. COPE, of Philadelphia, from the committee on accounts, reported the following resolution:

Resolved, That the President draw his warrant on the state treasurer, in favor of H. and S. Sprigman, binders of the English Debates, for the sum of eight hundred and fifty dollars, to be by them accounted for in the settlement of their accounts.

The resolution was then read a second time, considered and agreed to. Mr. COPE, from the committee on accounts, made also a report of the following resolution, viz:

Resolve, That the newspapers taken in pursuance of a resolution, adopted on the third day of May last, be discontinued from and after the twentieth instant, and that fhe secretary be required to notify the several editors to discontinue the same.

This resolution having been read a second time, and being under consideration,

Mr. MARTIN, of Philadelphia county, moved to postpone its further consideration for the present.

The question being taken on this motion, it was decided in the nega

tive.

The resolution was then agreed to.

THIRD ARTICLE.

The convention resumed the second reading of the report of the com mittee to whom was referred the third article of the constitution, as reported by the committee of the whole.

The question being on the motion of Mr. MARTIN, of Philadelphia county, further to amend the first section of the said article, by inserting the word "white" before the word "freeman," where it occurs in the first line; and also by inserting the word "white" before the word "freemen," where it occurs in the seventh line.

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