existing order of things might be maintained, but others also who held the same opinions which he did; but thought, that instead of divulging prematurely the secret of the democrats, policy required them to rally round the government, for the purpose of destroying it with more facility. This is Buonarroti's own language; and the reader need not be admonished of its applicability to what is, at this time, passing in our own country. Buonarroti himself, though he would have scrupled as little at simulation as at dissimulation to bring about the end which he had in view, had less of the serpent than of the tiger in his nature; he was one of those who stood by Babeuf, when others were for giving him up to the pursuit of parties.

At this time Babeuf, Antonelle, Silvain Maréchal, and a fourth, here called Filipe le Rexellet (Felix Lepelletier), constituted themselves a Secret Directory of Public Safety, en directoire insurrecteur. Antonelle was a gentleman of the press;' Silvain Maréchal, a person who, in atheistical times, had made himself notorious by the manner in which he made his profession of atheism, and who, in a procession in honour of the re-establishment of natural religion, carried a banner inscribed Morale. Their first business was to rally and direct the 'friends of liberty,' calculating their strength, and giving them an impulse favourable for the march of intellect and general emancipation, without endangering either the individuals or the cause by treason or by imprudence. Maréchal went a little further in principle than his colleagues; and they suppressed a manifesto of his on account of two sentences, in one of which it was said- Perish the lists, so that real equality may remain;' and, in the otherAway with the revolting distinction of governors and governed.' Upon everything else they were perfectly agreed, as well in the end as the means; the end being, unrestricted equality, the greatest possible happiness of all, and the certainty that when this was attained it should be permanent; and the means, any which best conduce to success, however fraudulent, however atrocious. The constitution of 1793 was held out by them as the rallying-point for all true democrats,-not because they approved it, but because it had received the sanction of the nation, and because it asserted the rights of the people themselves to deliberate upon the laws; but they were honest enough to let it distinctly be known, that the perfect democrats only accepted of the constitution as a step towards something further.

Even the mass of the population had by this time begun to hate the revolution and its partisans ;—it is an important admission of Buonarroti's; but, on the other hand, those who adhered to its principles were the more confirmed in them by exasperation, and

the

the more desperate. A great number of meetings were soon instituted in Paris, unknown to each other, but all directed by men who received their instructions from the twelve revolutionary agents, by whom discussions were appointed and writings circulated, and reports made to the Secret Directory of their progress, and of the capacity and energy of the democrats. It should not appear surprising,' Buonarroti says, that the measures of the conspirators principally regarded Paris; for it was in the heart that aristocracy must be struck; and the immense population of that commune would easily have set in motion the democratical elements which were scattered over the whole republic.' But the government had, at this time, a strong military force in and about Paris: on this, in fact, its own security and the public tranquillity entirely depended. The business of the conspirators, therefore, was to seduce the soldiers; and for this purpose they appointed a certain number of military agents, under the inspection of Darthé and Germain. ‹ All democratic pens were, at the same time, put under contribution.' A summary of Babeuf's doctrines was widely distributed and placarded; and the same doctrines were propagated among the lowest classes, in a paper called l'Eclaireur. The times were favourable to the conspirators, because there was a general and increasing distress; assignats were daily more and more depreciated, provisions were rising in price, and workmen out of employ. This malaise, and the writings in which the Secret Directory pretended to show the cause and to point out the radical remedy (le remède radical), produced a great ferment among the populace; groups collected in the streets and places, and upon the bridges; the deluded rabble began to regret the fall of Robespierre, and to call for equality and the constitution of 1793; and the conspirators were regularly informed of the progress which the disaffection was making among the people and the troops, not only by their own agents, but by several patriots who were employed in the police, and did all that, consistently with a constant regard to their own interest, they could do, for overthrowing the government in whose service they were engaged. The Secret Directory began to think that the success of their endeavours would not be long delayed, and seriously deliberated what was to be done in the moment of victory. It would be neither safe nor possible, they thought, to convoke, on the instant, the primary assemblies for the purpose of nominating a legislative body according to the constitution of 1793; and what, indeed, could be so imprudent as to leave the nation, even for a moment, without a director and guide? There must be a revolutionary and provisional authority to replace the government that should be overthrown, so constituted as to emancipate the people for ever

from

from the influence of the enemies of equality. The proposal of reassembling the old members of the Convention was rejected— not in remembrance of the Rump (a somewhat parallel case), but because they were not forgiven for the death of Robespierre: they resolved, therefore, as the only means of tendering to the sovereignty of the people all the homage compatible with circumstances, to let the insurgents of Paris name a provisional government upon the spot, which government they (the Secret Directory) were to recommend. And what should this be? Debon and Darthé were for a dictator, charged with the double function of proposing to the people a simple system of legislation which should secure to them the enjoyment of equality and the actual exercise of their sovereignty, and meantime to dictate measures for preparing the nation to receive it. Buonarroti appears to agree with them in their opinion, and says, it is to be presumed that if, in 1792 or 1793, a man of Robespierre's stamp had been invested with such power, the Revolution would have reached its veritable end and aim. But the Secret Directory, because of the difficulty of the choice, the fear of abuse, and the resemblance of a magistrature to a monarchy, and, above all, the general prejudice, decided against this, and resolved that the Parisians should intrust the supreme authority to a national assembly, composed of one democrat from every department. Meantime they were to determine what democrat they should propose, or, in truth, nominate; and, moreover, when the Revolution was made, they were to continue as a Secret Directory, and watch over the assembly which they had nominated!

But while Babeuf spoke in his writings of overthrowing the tyranny of riches by the lightnings of reason, he and his accomplices were preparing more substantial means of attack. The day of insurrection might be a day of battle; and though they had grounds for thinking that the army would abandon itself to a popular impulse, it was yet possible that officers who were bad citizens might influence soldiers ignorant and accustomed to obedience. Using all means, therefore, for corrupting the soldiers, they took measures at the same time for creating a popular army, which, if a contest were to ensue, should be the stronger party. For this purpose, they collected information concerning the number of democrats on whom they could depend, and the character of each, and in what capacity he might be employed

*

to

* Buonarroti, who had all the advantages of education which an Italian can have, writes as if he were another Aristides, and represents his confederates as men of the most exalted virtues. But as he has himself revealed the atrocity of their intentions, it happens, that the other chiefs of the conspiracy have not disguised the character of the instruments which they intended to employ. Among the papers which were

to most advantage. They prepared also quarters in Paris for the republicans whom they summoned from all parts of France to reinforce the friends of liberty, relying chiefly upon those from Lyons some democrats from that city, who had deserved the confidence of Robespierre, were in the capital at this time, and others, who remained at Lyons, y avaient déployé un tel caractère qu'on tait en droit d'en attendre les plus grands services. It was not necessary for Bonarroti to specify in what manner that character had been displayed. Bertrand, who had been mayor of Lyons during some of its horrors, was the person intrusted to prepare these patriots for action. The Secret Directory also took means for ascertaining where there were depôts of provisions, that the people might not, as on a former occasion, be obliged to leave the field of battle for want of food.

The government, though not informed of the means nor of the whole designs of the conspirators, was not so supine as to neglect their overt acts, and accordingly it passed some edicts, not more severe than necessary, against seditious assemblages and discourses. Upon this, the Secret Directory redoubled its efforts to gain over the army, of which it was not yet sure, and drew up an act of insurrection, the publication of which was to be the signal of the new revolution. By this the people were declared to be in insurrection against tyranny; a text from the constitution

seized by the government, and published by the Haute Cour de Justice, were their lists of the patriots propres à être employés dans le mouvement ;-a few specimens will suffice to show, that these were drawn up in a manner which throws as much light upon the manners and morals of the chief conspirators, as of the persons who are described in them.

'Lacombe-révolutionnaire; bon dans différentes places, ayant du caractère. Morlaix-marchand mercier; républicain terrifié, mais ayant des talens.

Chatain-sellier; en face des Bains Chinois, No. 7; capable de commander une compagnie. C'est un brave b- d'un beau fisique.

Lacombe tailleur; sans beaucoup de moyens, mais ferme, et propre à donner un grand coup de main.

La Vicomterie-un peu poltron, mais vertueux, et capable de prendre de grandes mesures pour amener à la pure démocratie, quoiqu'il ne soit pas pour le bonheur commun, parce qu'il le regarde comme impossible.

Manque fils-portier des écuries Egalité; agé de dix-huit ans, sans talens, mais vigoureux, déterminé, et bon pour exterminer les scélérats.

Marrion-serrurier; excellent patriote, que ne sait pas lire, bon groupeur, et très-bon à faire lever le peuple un jour d'insurrection.

Henriot-serrurier; n'a pas de moyen oratoire, mais est propre dans la force.

Les frères Fleurie-marchands de chevaux; excellens pour un coup de main, et c'est tout.'

Some are recommended on the score of having been imprisoned for their patriotism ; others as having belonged to some revolutionary tribunal; and other 'excellent revolutionists' are recommended as proper jurymen for any commission.

Black lists also were found of royalists, Vendémiairistes, &c.; and of individuals dont la fortune fait présumer qu'ils sont approvisionnés de subsistances. The inhabitants of one section are noted as being for the most part rich, wherefore on peut espérer de trouver infiniment de choses, en faisant des visites domiciliaires.

of

of 1793, declaring this to be the most sacred of their rights, and the most indispensable of their duties, was to be inscribed on their banners, and their generals were to be distinguished by tricolour ribbons floating très-visiblement round their hats. All citizens were to repair to their appointed rendezvous in arms, and, if they had none, with any instruments of offence whatever. They were to take possession of the Treasury, the post-offices, the houses of all the ministers, and all magazines, public or private, containing either provisions, or ammunition, or arms. The Directory and the two councils were thereby dissolved; any persons obeying their orders were to be put to death, and the members of those bodies were all to be immediately judged by the people.' All who opposed the people were to be exterminated, and all foreigners who should be found in the streets, of whatever nation they might be; but foreign envoys were to remain in their houses, under the safeguard of the public: provisions of every kind were to be brought to the people in the public places; all bakers were to be put in requisition, that they might continually bake bread to be gratuitously distributed to the people, and the accounts discharged when they were brought in. All the property of the emigrants, of conspirators, and of the enemies of the people,' was to be distributed without delay among the defenders of the country and the unfortunate. The unfortunate in all parts of the Republic should immediately be lodged and accommodated in the houses of the conspirators. All effects of the people pledged in the Mont-de-Piété should be gratuitously restored without delay. The widows and children of those who might fall in this holy enterprise should be adopted by the French people. Proscribed patriots were to be indemnified for their losses. And as nothing opposed a general peace so much as the war against internal tyranny, all soldiers who could prove that they had assisted in terminating it should be at liberty to return with arms and baggage to their homes, and there forthwith enjoy the recompense which had so long been promised them. After the wholesale spoliation which had been proclaimed, it is curious to find that all public and private property was to be placed under the safeguard of the people. The act concluded with declaring how the National Assembly was to be formed, and that the comité insurrecteur of public safety would remain permanent till the full accomplishment of the insurrection.

At this time they had great hopes from the military. Their journals and placards had produced such an effect upon the legion of the police, that the government thought it expedient to order two battalions of that legion out of the metropolis, though it was contrary to the terms upon which they had been embodied,

that