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conceived that this annexation of Genoa (Hear, hear, hear!) Parliament was not to Piedmont, was rendering a service to formerly so much in the habit of antici. the cause, they were not under the neces- pating discussions, and be trusted that sity of adopiing such a measure. No such an indiscreet practice would not be power could possibly have any other mo. countenanced by the House. The House iive but the general good on this occasion. would not expect that he should now enter France might, indeed, have had an interest upon the discussion of any branches of the other way, and to keep up the differ interests not yet brought to a decisionence between Piedmont and Genoa ; but as the understood arrangement of the the French gorernment did not attempt to powers of Europe. With the exception act in any such spirit, and they were a however of one branch, on wbich he willing party to this act. It was from a could not at present give any information, sincere conviction that it was necessary to namely, the arrangement of Italy south make the barrier effectual on the Italian of the Po, he could state that all the other side, as well as the other, that they thought arrangements were concluded in nearly it advisable to intrust the entrance by the the same form in which they would stand Alps and by the Genoese sea to the same in the ultimate treaty, and were consihands; and on this principle alone was dered as binding on ihe different powers Genoa annexed to Piedmont. The deci. as if they were the subject of a treaty. sion was exempt from bad faith in the He had no objection to state in answer to most unequivocal sense of the word. He the hon. gentleman that France had been trusted that the House would see that this an honest power at the Congress, and had measure was grounded on a large view of done her best for Europe and herself; military expediency; and with the avowed and that she had consented to these arand understood object of strengthening rangements. The noble lord went into a that flank against France. This measure justification of the conduct of the different was neither adopted for the sake of any of governments at the Congress; and he the allied powers, nor from any feeling for contended that th governments could the king of Sardinia himself, but from a not be said to have acted from sordid conviction that in so strengthening the views. Till the reconstruction of the king of Sardinia, they would best consult great powers of Austria and Prussia, there the interests of the general policy of was a great blank in Europe, and there Europe. The noble lord said, he should could not be said to be any bulwark be failing in his duty to the allies, if he against future aggression. 'Till those did not state that this measure was fol- powers were restored, Europe was not lowed up in such a way as was best calcu- herself. There was nothing in the conlated to promote the interests of the duct of either of those states from which Genoese people. Every possible step had their moderation could be called in quesbeen taken to secure to them their dif- tion. They wished to be replaced in ferent interests; and he believed that their the state of their possessions in 1805. In present government would be a more taking this state Austria at least had not popular one than that under the ancient chosen a period the most markedly advanrepublic, which was an oligarchy of the tageous. Had she taken the year 1792, purest description.

when she had the Low Countries, though Having dismissed the question of Genoa, not Venice, she would have taken a pethe noble lord proceeded to inculcate the riod when her population was at least iwo necessity of supporting government, by millions higher: "Prussia took the period abstaining from the discussion of mea before being dismembered by France, sures which were not before the House. and she had not received 40,000 inhaThose premature and inflammatory de. bitants more than she possessed at that scriptions of the conduct of the different period. Nothing, therefore, could be less governments were more likely to pro- open to accusation than the great features duce public disturbances, and to impede of the arrangement.

With respect to the progress of the negociation, than to Saxony, it was, no doubt, true, that at prodoce any other object. The cause of one time it was in contemplation to inthis country had been very much injured corporate the whole of that country with by that sort of inability which seemed Prussia. He was one of the persons who to belong to some members of with bad opposed this incorporation; and it bolding their judgments till any subject was ultimately by the sacrifice of the incould come with propriety before them. terests of Holland and Hanuver that the

other sacrifice was made in favour of the the nation, and army, felt a strong interest king of Saxony. But while he stated this in the possession of Saxony, in considerahe would broadly contend that the right tion of the efforts and sacrifices which of conquest, under certain circumstances, they had made in the common cause, and would warrant the incorporation of the the importance of the line of defence whole of one country with another. He which it would have afforded. Nothing, did not wish to say any thing painful to perhaps, but a wish to conciliate the nathe feelings of the sovereign of Saxony, tions of Europe, and their receiving the whom he wished to continue long to reign line of the Elbe, could have induced them over his Saxon subjects: he had fallen on voluntarily to have relinquished their unfortunate times; but if ever the prin- views. ciple of conquest had a legitimate appli. With regard to Poland, his lordship had cation it was in the case of the king of interested himself as much as possible, to Saxony. He had returned to his connec procure a determination that would be tion with France, after he was placed in equally satisfactory to all parties; and circumstances which might have with whaçever might be the particular arrangedrawn him from it, if he had not thought ments that the separate powers might the other course more for his interest. With adopt, they would all be dictated by the respect to the principles of conquest, same spirit of liberality and justice that there was no writer who would deny that bad governed the great states in all arthe country and people of a conquered rangements. The main object of concienemy, with arms in their hands, did not liating the people would not be lost sight fall a sacrifice to the conqueror. Happily of, and they would be relieved from those this principle had been inodified in mo local difficulties and personal disqualificadern warfare by two principles, the one tions under which they formerly laboured. the receiving a reasonable indemnification, Whatever system of policy might forand the other the reasonable security to merly exist, the Poles would now be gobe given to prevent the recurrence of fuo verned as Poles; and with regard to terri. ture attack. It was no argument that torial arrangement, and to the particular other powers had also been in alliance form of government that each possessor with Buonaparté; for they had afterwards would establish, he wished the House to contributed to the salvation of Europe ; suspend any opinion until more detailed and the compensation fell properly in an information was supplied. In erecting aggravated proportion, on the power them into a separate kingdom, hon. genwhich came last in. But the principle tlemen would not forget the many diffion wbich he conceived the measure of in- culties that must be encountered, not corporation unadvisable was, that it would merely in procuring the assent of the have been a mischief to Prussia rather monarchs who were interested, but in than an advantage; for the general feel. severing immense tracts of territory bound ing in Germany at the sacrifice of an to its neighbour during a long course of ancient family, would have revolted years, until at length they had grown, as against Prussia. Then came the procla- it were, into each other, and were somemation of prince Repnin on delivering up times incapable of separate existence. the government to the Prussian authori. In calling the attention of Parliament ties, which he really believed originated to those parts of the arrangements that in one of those misconceptions to which more peculiarly regarded this country, he the best officers were liable. When the should have had less satisfaction, if, during proclamation first came into his hands, he the course of his mission, he had employ(lord C.) lost no time in shewing it to the ed himself in obtaining concessions, the Prussian minister, who said that it was objects of which were merely the separate the first time he had seen it. Count Nes- aggrandizement and interest of Great selrode, the Russian minister, made a si- Brilain; but in the case of Holland, in milar declaration ; and in return to an whose establishment under the present official note which he (lord C.) addressed system, we were individually deeply into prince Hardenberg, that minister re- terested, the allied powers bad felt, as turned an official declaration that the they must feel, that they were all gaining proclamation was wholly unauthorized on an equivalent advantage. If it were imibe part of Prussia. Such were the un. politic for this country, as no one would equivocal declarations of both these courts. deny, that France should in future possess It was true that the Prussian government, the large naval resources supplied by a


een re

long line of coast from the Pyrennees to | servation of the general liberties of Euthe Texel, it was not less the interest of rope. In noticing the treaty with Spain, ibe otber states of Europe to provent the upon which the hon. gentleman had comapplication of such means; and at the mented, the noble lord expressed his consame time, by erecting Holland into a viction, that on procuring from that counpowerful and independent kingdom, under try in its present situation, an acknowthe House of Orange, by the annexation ledgment like that which aad of territory formerly belonging to Austria, ferred to, much had been procured; and an essential service was rendered to all he thought that some reliance was to be the continental powers. It was but a placed upon the assurances given both by tribute due to the sovereign now reigning, that country and by Portugal. He vindito say, that none of the high individuals cated government from the imputation had been more successful in gaining the that they had not procured that proper confidence of his subjects, by persevering neutrality between the king of Spain and endeavours for their benefit, by liberalily his South Ainerican subjects; and he sein the exercise of his authority, and by a verely censored the hon. member who happy talent of drawing resources equally bad brought forward this subject, for refrom all parts of the dominions so recently commending that the British nation should placed in his hands. What he had said erect itself into an arbiter between a soveof Holland would apply equally to Han reign and his revolted subjects. His lordover: the Sovereign of Great Britain ship never could prevail upon bimself to had not consulted merely bis own private pay any respect to opinions given to eninterests, and bis allies were sensible of courage rebellious subjects, and he thought the enlarged views upon which he had that the individual who delivered them acted. On this point there had always travelled far beyond the duty he owed to been some degree of jealousy in this bis own sovereign. He admitted that the country; but he was rather inclined to scenes transacting in South America were think that Hanover bad, generally speak- disgusting and painful; he allowed also ing, suffered more than she had gained that Spain, with respect to commerce,

had from the connexion. Its people had re not conducted herself with the liberality cenily proved themselves faithful


we had deserved, but that clouds of preporters of Great Britain ; and he would judice prevented her from seeing how say that there had not been a more effi- nearly her own interests were connected çient, more faithful, and honest body of with those of this country. men in our service than the Hanoverian The noble lord said, he concurred in Legion; they amounted to not less than several parts of what ihe hon. member 12,000 men, to which number they had had said regarding the events that had always been kept up by voluntary en- recently occurred in France. What course rolment, and it was not too much io say of policy England would pursue in regard that the absence of such a corps might to ihe convulsion by which France was at have had a most injurious effect on our present agitated, he could not venture to military exertions. The preservation of state, but upon the issue of that contest the importance of Hanover, as a consti- | much of the happiness and repose of the tuent state of Germany, should therefore world in future depended. If Buonaparté be dear to us, as well in this point of view, succeeded in re-establishing his authority as from its connexion with our reigning in France, peace must be despaired of; at family. The increase of territory she had least such a peace as we had recently the received tended to consolidate her con- hope of enjoying. The question now' was, nexion with this country, by the extent whether Europe must once more return to of sea coast wbich it gave her: while that dreadful system which it had so long liable to be intercepted from this country, pursued; whether Europe was again to ber efficiency was less considerable. From become a series of armed nations, and the moment also she was in close contact whether Great Britain among them was to with Holland for an extent of 150 miles; abandon that wholesome state into which this naturally contributed to strengthen she was now settling, to resume her staand protect her. Neither was this a con tion as a military people, and again to nexion of which our continental allies were struggle for the independence of the at all disposed to feel jealous. They were | world? These were questions of no small thoroughly convinced that no interest was magnitude, depending upon events now felt so strongly in this country as the con- in issue, depending upon a new and an

unexpected contest, in which the liberties Mr. Ponsonby argued, that the noble of mankind were once more assaulted and lord could only escape from the charge by endangered. It was not merely a ques- removing the weight to lord W. Benzinek, tion whether the Bourbon family, which as he had done, in fact, though not perhad already given so many benefits to haps in argument, in the course of his France, and among them, that best of speech. He hoped that the original inall benefits, peace, should conti to reign structions to the British minister in Italy in France, but whether tyranny and des would be produced upon some future occapotism should again reign over the inde. sion. He did not understand the very unpendent nations of the continent? Whe- satisfactory explanation made by the noble ther as applied to this country, we should lord with regard to Poland. What was enjoy the happy state that we had bought meant by the assertion that the Poles with our blood after a long struggle, or would be governed as Poles ?' Had they whether we should once more revert not been so governed heretofore ? and if to that artificial system which, during so, what new advantage had they acthat struggle, we were compelled to main. quired? With respect to Saxony, the noble tain? Upon these points there could exist lord's statement was by no means cononly one feeling, and his lordship trusted vincing, and he hoped that all the docuthat Providence would ordain only one ments would be laid upon the table, and result. After referring again to the efforts that the noble lord would be ready to give made by the King of France to give a free the necessary explanations. It appeared constitution to that country, and the suc to him, that a very extraordinary and uncess with which the experiment had been parliamentary course had been pursued attended during the sitting of the legisupon the present occasion, for the noble lature for five or six months, his lordship lord, contrary to all practice, had first concluded by justifying himself for not made his speech, and then was to produce having, as much as might be wished by the papers. After the Easter recess he some, endeavoured abroad to introduce would probably make some m on upon the free principles of the British constitu- the subject, but in the mean time, until tion; he had not, like a missionary, gone all the information was afforded, he proabout to preach to the world its excellency tested against being supposed to give any and its Giness, because he by no means opinion upon the subject. felt convinced, that in countries yet in a Mr. Whitbread, in reply, remarked, that state of comparative ignorance, and brought considering the charge of the noble lord, up under a system so diametrically oppo- that he had brought forward his accusasite, it could be advantageously iniro- tions upon illicit information, it was sinduced. A great deal had been done to gular that the noble lord had not only promote the happiness of nations, and if not ventured to give one of them a contra« Buonaparté was not permitted to inter- diction, but that they had all turned out to cept the prospects which were arising, be true and authentic evidences. The never could Europe look forward to noble lord bad said that he had not deemed brighter days than those which it might it a part of his duty to go about the continow anticipate. The noble lord sat down neut like a missionary, preaching the amidst loud and repeated cheers.

English constitution. He was glad that An hon. member under the gallery, the noble lord had not undertaken the whose name we could not learn, remarked task, for assuredly it would have been upon the mode in which the noble lord mostinadequately executed, if his speeches had cast imputations upon lord William there would have been like those in parBentinck, for the purpose of justisying his liament, which, like that just delivered, own conduct.

was a libel upon the excellency of our Lord Castlereagh, in explanation, ob. constitution : one of those libels was the served, that he had not argued that lord bad effect of discussions like the present in W. Bentinck in any respect had acted in parliament; but Mr. W. said, he was disconsistently with his duty; on the con posed to apply a very different epithet to trary, the foundation of what he had said them, and to assert, that even with re. with regard to Genoa was, that the British gard to the Congress the effect had been minister having no such power, bad not most beneficial. To what a state of dere-established permanently, but only pro- gradation would the noble lord reduce the * visionally, the ancient government of the House of Commons, a part of our excelcapital of the Ligurian Republic,

lent constitution, when he would make it

dependent upon an envoy at Vienna, wbe- be made from the Prince Regent in the ther it should or should not be submissively manner which a just sense of the greatness silent. In his view the noble lord's ex of the subject, and the respect due to that planation was complete and satisfactory House, required. Arrangements so exin no one point. Regarding that large tensive and important had never before tract of territory upon the left bank of the taken place in Europe at one time, and Rhine, the noble lord had given no infor- their lordships ought to be made acmation; and as to Belgium, Saxony, and quainted with the circumstances without Genoa, the information given was altoge- delay. ther delusive. What did the noble lord The Earl of Liverpool replied, that there mean to say regarding the Poles ? Did he was every inclination on the part of minismean to be understood ? What was meant ters to advise the Prince Regent to make by the Poles being governed like Poles ? every communication to the House that unless indeed, as had been long the case might be consistent with the public serwith that unhappy people, they were to vice. He had before stated, that the be continued in a state of bondage to the communication should be made when the will of their temporary masters. As to arrangements were completed, as far as Saxony, the noble lord had said, that the this could be done without injury to the proclaination of prince Reppin was unau- public service. They were not all comthorized; but who could tell whether, on pleted ; but he had no objection now to the remonstrance being made, it had not state, that the arrangements which had been diplomatically disavowed by Prussia, already taken place would be communiwhile the agent was abandoned ? He cated from the Prince Regent soon after would again repeat the question, Why did the recess. In answer to a question from the noble lord go to Vienna, and why did the marquis of Buckingham, he said, that he come back? Because he was ordered, the papers respecting Genoa would be inwas the answer. Who ordered him? Why, cluded ; in answer to a question from earl the Chancellor of the Eschequer, the Grey, he said, that he could not pledge Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and himself as to the possibility of laying the the Master of the Mint; and yet the noble papers on the table previous to the recess, lord had lalked so soundingly of his re so that :hey might be considered in the sponsibility, and bis confidence in himself, interim; and in answer to a question from which enabled him to decide upon points lord Grenville, he stated, that he should without instructions, which would have de- take care to bave the printed copies on Jayed the mighty machine of Congress. the table as soon as the papers were laid He hoped, as Buonaparté had said, that there. the Congress was now dissolved, and that it would not turn out that what in his Bank Restriction Bill.] The order hands they had called robbery and plunder, of the day for the third reading of thein their holy keeping was vested right and | Bank Restriction Bill being read, legal property.

The Earl of Liverpool rose and said, Mr. Wilberforce expressed his satisfac- that he could anticipate no objection 10 tion at what had been done respecting the the third reading of this Bill, because, Slave Trade.

however they might have differed forThe Address was then agreed to. merly on the subject, no one would con

tend that the present was the proper HOUSE OF LORDS.

period for resuming cash payments. Con.

sidering all the circumstances that had Tuesday, March 21.

taken place previous to the termination of CONGRESS AT Vienna ] The Marquis hostilities, the consequences of which Wellesley wished to know whether it was were still heavily felt, this must be conthe intention of ministers to make any sidered as of all others the least favourcommunication, as from the Executive able moment for putting an end to the Government to that House on the subject restriction. The Bill was made to expire of the arrangements at Vienna. Consi on the 5th of July, 1816, and this period dering the immense magnitude of the in. had been fixed upon with two views; terests concerned, and the consequences first, that the Legislature might have the with which they might be attended in subject under consideration in the course regard to this country, it was fitting that of the next session; and second, because some authoritative communication should some hopes were entertained that by the (VOL. XXX. )


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