these, in the aisles, were seats and benches for spectators. To the left of the chancel a long table, draped with blue and red, was arranged for the secretaries, and opposite it were special seats for invited guests, and in the front one next to the chancel rail we were assigned our places. The chancel was hung with a great white drapery, rudely painted to represent ermine, and a broad border of red cloth with palm-leaves and wreaths framed in this curtain. Crossed insurgent flags ornamented the pilasters on each side, and in the middle of the chancel, under the imitation ermine, was a long table draped with light blue and crimson, and behind this three large carved chairs. While we were waiting for the functionaries to arrive, we had an excellent opportunity of studying those who had come from all over the islands to assist in the foundation of a republic - for this was their professed purpose. Every man was dressed in a full black costume of more or less fashionable cut, according to his means or his tastes.

"At last, to the sound of the national march, the delegates moved in a body to the door and then back again, divided, and then Aguinaldo, looking very undersized and very insignificant, came marching down, bearing an ivory stick with gold head and gold cord and tassels. A group of tall fine-looking generals and one or two dignitaries in black accompanied him, and half surrounded him as they walked along. Mounting the chancel steps, Aguinaldo took the middle seat behind the table, the Acting Secretary of the Interior took the place on his right, and a general occupied the carved chair on his left. Without any formal calling to order, the Secretary rose and read the list of delegates, and sat down again. Then Aguinaldo stood up, and after the feeble vivas had ceased, took a paper from his pocket, and in a low voice, without gestures and without emphasis, and in the hesitating

manner of a schoolboy, read his message in the Tagalo language. Only once was he interrupted by vivas, and that was when he alluded to the three great free nations England, France, and America - as worthy models for imitation. He next read a purported translation in Spanish with

of Batangas, "the sublime paralytic" confidential ad-
viser to the President of the Revolutionary Government

even more difficulty, and when he had finished there was quite a round of cheers, proposed and led by the veteran General Buencamino, for the President, the republic, the victorious army, and for the town of Malolos. Then Aguinaldo arose and declared the meeting adjourned until it should

re-assemble prepared to elect officers and to organize in the regular manner. The long-talked-of and ever-memorable function was over.'

Congress was organized with Pedro A. Paterno as President, Benito Legarda as Vice-President, and Gregorio Araneta and Pablo Ocampo as secretaries. Different committees were selected, and the rules of the Spanish Cortes, with slight modifications, were adopted.

47. The Malolos Constitution. In the opinion of Mabini, who was the author of the decree creating the revolutionary government, the Malolos congress was not entitled to draft a permanent constitution for the Philippines. Besides, he claimed that the time was not appropriate for the promulgation of a constitution. The constitution, thought Mabini, should be drafted after independence had been secured, when the people could, with calm deliberation, discuss the fundamental law of the Islands. Mabini's opinion, however, was disregarded, and General Aguinaldo himself proposed in his message that a permanent constitution be drafted.

Failing in his effort to postpone the preparation of the constitution, Mabini urged that if there was to be a constitution at all, it must be provisional in its nature and that a permanent one should not be established until independence was secured. He maintained that the revolutionary congress should limit its statement to a declaration of principles. He submitted his "True Decalogue" and his "Constitutional Programme." He wanted a constitution which would still give the president ample powers to carry on the war. But his program was rejected and the congress decided to draft a permanent constitution.

A committee was appointed for this work. Among its members was Felipe A. Calderón, who became the author 1 Millet, The Expedition to the Philippines, pages 261-267.

of the Malolos constitution. There were two plans presented, the so-called Paterno plan, which was a restatement of his peace proposal for an autonomous government, and the Calderón plan. The Calderón project was approved by the congress and promulgated by the President.

The constitution created the Filipino state called the Philippine Republic, the sovereignty residing exclusively in the people. It established a government which was popular, representative, and responsible, with three distinct powers, the legislative, executive, and judicial. The national and individual rights of Filipinos and aliens were specified.

The legislative power was exercised by the Assembly of Representatives, whose members were to be elected according to law. During the time the Assembly was not in session, there was a Permanent Commission. The executive power was vested in the President of the Republic and the Secretaries of the Government. The President was elected by the Assembly of Representatives convened as a Constituent Assembly. The judicial power was vested in the Supreme Court of Justice and in the courts organized by the laws. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court was chosen by the National Assembly with the concurrence of the President of the Republic and the Secretaries of the Government. 48. Constitutional Ideas of the Philippine Revolution. A well-known Filipino author has written:

"The separatist movement conducted from the year 1896 to the promulgation of the Malolos constitution establishing the Philippine Republic was not a mere stroke of chance, an outburst of ungovernable passions, but was well pondered and conducted throughout upon a platform of lofty ideals of emancipation and organization. It was thus a movement both political and constitutional. Those who observe the tendencies of each step, as well as the purpose of each phase

of the plan, will see at every turn constructive genius inspiring the work of destruction. What a paradox! For every armed hand there was reason as a guide. Every warrior had his statesman. Emilio Jacinto counseled the 'Katipunero' Bonifacio; Rianzares Bautista, Mabini, Paterno, and others, the revolutionist Aguinaldo. This effective union of forces meant life exalted over death, law enlightening chaos: a bloody campaign, but for the ideals of civilization.

"The Philippine student of political science need not go out of his country to find abundant material, still fresh, a field hardly explored dating from a time when ideas were poured forth with vehemence, like a spontaneous explosion, to form as a whole the political program of the epoch. And what an epoch, short and productive as it was! From August, 1896, to 1899- hardly two years—constitutional projects, programs of reforms, organic decrees, manifestos, memorials, hand-bills, declarations of rights, and other documents united to set forth the national political ideas.

"Whatever be the verdict of posterity, there remains the indisputable fact that the Philippine revolution was not, as has been charged, a racial war, a licentious outburst of violent passions, but a war pledged to and determined by the ideals of liberty, democracy, and constitutionalism." 1

1 Teodoro M. Kalaw, "Constitutional Ideas of the Philippine Revolution," The Filipino People, February, 1915, pages 5, 22.