that the Fathers were ill-treated. By Muhammadan law they were liable to the alternative of circumcision or death.

There were three priests (Augustinians) and a part of the garrison who attempted to escape from Hughli by water; but their vessel grounded on a sand-bank, where they were boarded and put to the sword. One priest escaped by favour of a wealthy Hindu, who hid him in his house and had his wounds treated.

All this time Christians were abundant in the Imperial service, when Mandelslo in 1638 made a tour through the country. It was not, therefore, a religious persecution in the sense in which the Roman Emperors would have understood the term. There are seven other tombstones in the same chapel dated in the reign of Sháh Jahán, but no others of morti pe la fe.

F. Joseph de Castro, mentioned above as Veroneo's xecutor, died at Agra in 1646. His tomb is among those in the "Padré Santo."

99

ART. V.-On Sandhi in Pali. By the late R. C. CHILDERS.

[THE following fragments were found among the papers of the late R. C. Childers. When his last illness overtook him, he was known to have been engaged for some time on a comprehensive handbook of the Pali language. Before, however, he had far proceeded with the elaboration of the greater work, he proposed to bring out an elementary grammar first, to meet the pressing want of intending students of that language. After his death, it was hoped that some other Pali scholar would be found willing to complete the work in either form from the materials collected by Mr. Childers and with this view these were submitted to Prof. Pischel at Kiel. But as this gentleman has since expressed his intention of publishing a grammar on a plan of his own, it is thought that the following two fragments may, even as such, be of interest to Pali students. Each of them treats of the Sandhi rules, and is complete in itself. But while the former, intended for the shorter work, was left ready for the press, the latter, intended for the larger, had not yet received the benefit of the gifted author's revision.-R. R.]

GENERAL REMARKS.

Sandhi as a branch of Grammar requires very different treatment in Pali and in Sanskrit.

The whole of the important division of Internal Sandhi is wanting in Pali,—at least it comes under the domain not of Grammar but of Philology. It would not only be a misapplication of labour, but positively misleading, to work out rules of internal Sandhi from, for instance, such forms as sabbhi and lacchate. Our only proper course is to trace them to their Sanskrit originals sadbhis and lapsyate, and bring them under rules, not of Sandhi, but of phonetic change.

We have, therefore, only to deal with external Sandhi, but here we find the most important differences between Pali and Sanskrit. Pali Sandhi is almost wholly independent of Sanskrit Sandhi, and cannot be brought under Sanskrit rules. At first sight combinations like natthi, dukkhassantam, may appear to be merely phonetic corruptions of the Sanskrit nâsti, duḥkhasyântam ; but this view is soon seen to be untenable, since in the great majority of cases a Pali sandhichange differs from the corresponding Sanskrit sandhi-change. Thus we have panc' ime for Sanskrit pañceme, sâdhûti for sâdhviti, sammad eva for samyageva, kiñcâpi for kiñcid api, yathariva for yathaiva, and innumerable others opposed to Sanskrit usage. In Sanskrit sandhi is imperative, in Pali it is to a great extent optional: between separate words it takes place but seldom, and even in compounds hiatus occurs. Again, while sandhi is regular and uniform in Sanskrit, in Pali it is very irregular. For example, while in Sanskrit na upeti must always become nopeti, in Pali it might become nopeti, or n'upeti, or nûpeti, or remain na upeti without sandhi change taking place.

Every word in the Pali language without exception, if written separately, ends either with a vowel or anusvâra. This can easily be seen by inspecting a Pali dictionary. But in a sentence a word occasionally ends in a consonant, owing to a lost final consonant being restored for the sake of euphony. Thus the Sanskrit abhût 'he was,' is ahu in Pali; but if ahu is followed by eva, the lost consonant may be revived to avoid hiatus, and we get ahud eva, which in Sanskrit would be abhûd eva.1

Sandhi may be divided into Vowel Sandhi, Consonant Sandhi, and Mixed Sandhi. The Pali rules of vowel sandhi are numerous enough, but consonant sandhi, which in Sanskrit forms so important a branch of the subject, in Pali is limited to cases of contact between anusvâra and a following consonant. The reason of this is that in Pali, as we have just said, all words which do not end in anusvâra end in a vowel. Thus in Sanskrit we are told that pûrṇaḥ followed 1 Other examples are given further on.

by ca becomes pûrṇaç; but the Pali equivalent of pûrṇaḥ is punno, which, of course, remains unaltered before a consonant. Mixed sandhi has two divisions, viz. when a word ending in a vowel is followed by a word beginning with a consonant, and when a word ending in a consonant is followed by a word beginning with a vowel. Cases of mixed sandhi are very few, and in the second division are limited to the changes of anusvâra before a vowel.1

We have seen that in Pali we have external sandhi only to deal with. I propose to separate external sandhi into the two great divisions of the Sandhi of Words and the Sandhi of Compounds. The distinction is a real and important one, as the rules of the two divisions differ in many respects.

SANDHI OF WORDS.

In Sanskrit word-sandhi is imperative, in Pali it only takes place in certain cases. To take a representative text, in the first page of Mahâparinibbâna Sutta there are nearly thirty instances in which a word-sandhi change does not take place when it would have been imperative in Sanskrit. The first five are samayam bhagavâ, mágadho ajâtasattu, vajjî abhiyâtukâmo, aham ime, vajji evammahiddhike. In the whole. page word-sandhi only occurs nine times, viz. in evam me, evam âha, ten' upasankama, pucchatîti, evañ ca, bhaṇantîti, pattiko 'va, ten' upasankami, etad avoca.

In prose, word-sandhi is almost confined to indeclinables and pronouns. Thus at Par. 22 we have sandhi only in connexion with yam, núna, aham, iti, tena, etam, kâci, kinci, eva, pana, tattha, mama, ha, and katham. In a great many cases of sandhi we find two pronouns brought together, as myâyam = me ayam, or two indeclinables, as yan nûna, or an indeclinable and a pronoun, as nûnâham—nûna aham, tass' eva tassa eva. But frequently, also, the indeclinable or pronoun is connected with a verb or noun, as in tatth' Ananda, purisam pi, etad avoca.

Even with indeclinables and pronouns sandhi only takes

1 This is, again, because anusvâra is the only consonant with which a word can terminate. Cases like ahud eva come under vowel sandhi.

place in certain cases. Thus at Par. 22 we have aham imam, tam âbâdham, so âbâdho, kho âyasmâ, and many others. Some words cause sandhi change much more certainly than others. Thus there is scarcely any exception to the rule that anusvâra before the particles ca, ti and pi is modified to ñ, n and m (e. g. kathañ ca=katham ca). Eva almost always causes or suffers sandhi change, e.g. kiñcid eva=kinci eva, pattiko 'va pattiko eva. The same may be said of iti, but at Par. 9 we have an exception, bhavissanti iti. Na followed by a vowel is generally modified, e.g. n'atthi, n'eva, nâhosi, though exceptions occur, as na evam (Par. 22), na idâni (F. Jât. 12). On the other hand, forms like nakkhamati, nappahosi, are far less common than na khamati, na pahosi.

I have said that word-sandhi is in prose almost confined to indeclinables and pronouns. The limited number of exceptions will generally be found to be cases in which either (1) a vocative beginning with a vowel is preceded by a word ending in a vowel, as gacch' âvuso, pañcah' Upâli, âyâm' Ánanda; or (2) when a verb is preceded or followed by a noun in grammatical relation with it, as utthây 'âsanâ, âsanâ vutthaya, upajjhâyass' ârocesum (Dh. 103), sameť' âyasmâ, âgať' amhâ; or (3) when two nouns are in grammatical relation, as dukkhass' antam, dvih' âkârehi (Dh. 91). There is a small residuum of cases not coming under these three categories, e.g. at Dh. 337, sandhây' âha.

But even under the three categories sandhi only sometimes takes place, e.g. we have gamissâma Ânanda (Dh. 170), vajjî abhiyâtukâmo.

Sandhi is more extensively used in the early texts of the Tipitaka than in the late texts of the Commentaries.

In verse, word-sandhi is much less restricted and much more frequent than in prose, being in great measure governed by the question of metrical exigency. Thus in the first two pages of Dhammapada there are nine sandhis, of which only two, nâdhigacchanti and nappasahati, would occur in prose. The remainder, for instance sammantidha, vantakâsâv' assa, are used metri causâ. Some of the bolder sandhis, as the elision of m and am, are confined to verse.