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Cales FIELD. A Tale of the Puritans. By the author of “ Markland," &c. Harper


This little story, of the times of Cromwell, is of much interest, notwithstanding that it travels over an oft-beaten path.

FRESH Gleaning; or a New Sheaf from the Old Fields of Continental Europe. By

Ike Marvel. Charles Scribner.

The high reputation which “ Jke Marvel" has acquired since the publication of the first edition of these sketches, has made a new edition desirable. The “ Lorgnette" and the " Reveries of a Bachelor," the latter more particularly, have won their way to the public admiration, and, in many cases, awakened an enthusiasm beyond that which most new books inspire, and thereby produced a demand for more of the author's productions. The new edition is beautifully printed, uniform with the other works of Marvel, published by Scribner.

The Moulder's And Founder's Pocket GUIDE; A Treatise on Moulding and Found

ing in Green Sand, Dry Sand, &c. &c. By Fred. Overman, Mining Engineer. A. Hart, late Carey and Hart.

It is always with pleasure that we hail these little practical works, on the different branches of the great business of life. Anything that diffuses useful and practical information among the people at large, is a beuefaction to society, and these works of Mr. Overman are peculiarly of this class.




Modern History, from the coming of Christ and the change of the Roman Republic

into an Empire, to the year of our Lord 1850. By Peter Fredet, D. D., Professor of History in St. Mary's College, Baltimore. John Murphy & Co., Baltimore.

The great learning and ability of Dr. Fredet are conspicuously manifest in this work, which contains a very concise, yet clear and harmonious history of human progress during eighteen centuries and a half. The matter is admirably arranged, chronologically, and with every facility for dates and reference, making it valuable as a book of easy reference. It has also the merit of taking a catholic view of historical events, and in so far frees the narrative from that singularly malignant prejudice which pervades English Protestant histories, and which are the result of the political strife of the 17th century. The degree, in which the animosities against Catholics, growing out of the miscon. duct of James II., has been prolonged in tbe New-Evgland States, is scarcely credible. Although Catholicism has never existed there, it is only within a few years that ihə parade of an efligy, with boufs and horns, and called the Pope, has been discontinued. It was one of the many modes adopted by politicians, to prejndice the masses, that was continued long after the import had been forgotten. It is now time that history, at least, should be purged from the misrepresentations of both sects ; but Gibbons are not found in every age.

MEMOIRS OF William WordswORTH, Poet Laureate, D. C. L. By Christopher Words

worth, D. D., Canon of Westminster. In Two Volumes. Edited by Heury Reed. Ticknor, Reed & Fields, Boston.

The poetry of Wordsworth has found many zealous admirers on this side of the Atlantic, and the Men oirs now publislied by Messrs. Ticknor, Reed & Fields, and so ably edited by Professor Reed, will be to them a welcome publication. The clear-lreaded and earnest manner in which, like a true-hearted metaplıysician, Wordsworth was wont to present the true, won for him on this side of the Atlantic, a better apprecia

tion, than if he had been endowed with more of the fire of passion. The faculty of love seemed to be that which he most liked to exercise. The present Memoirs develop more fully those circumstances of the port's life, which he so fully brought into review in the Prelude, and are replete with interest.

Prometheus Bound, and other Poems: including Sonnets from the Portuguese, Casa

Gundi Windows, etc. By Elizabeth Barret Browning. New-York: C. S. Fraucis & Co., 252 Broadway.

We echo but the general sentiment, in saying that Mrs. Browning is the most accomplished poetical writer of the present day among lady authors. There is in her poetry freshness and vigor, breadth of intellect, and purity of expression ;--a com. bination seldom met with in modern poems. “Casa Guidi Windows" is the prir:cipal poem in the present volume; it is a narrative of late revolutionary movemenis in Florence, as observed from Casa Guidi Windows, interspersed with reflections suggested by passing events. It contains many passages of great beauty, and is, perlaps, the finest, as well as the latest production, of Mrs. Browning's pen. The sonnets from the Portuguese are new to us; we were most pleased with the fifth and sixih, though, indeed, the poorest of the entire number is far above tlie generally so-called sonnets.

The voluine is issued in the usually neat and elegant style of Messrs. Fraucis & Co.'s publications.

Cosyos: A Sketch of a Physical Description of the Universe. By Alexander Von

Humboldt. Translated from the German. By E. C. Oliè. Vol. III. Harper

The third volume of this great work of Humboldt has made its appearance, from the press of Messrs. Harpers, well translated, and printed in the usual admirable style of that house. Such a work, from such a man, requires but announcement.

Ren; OR THE Snow Bird. A Tale of Real Life. By Caroline Lee Hentz, author of

Linda, &c. A. Hart, late Carey & Hart, Puiladelphia.

A well printed and interesting story, which well sustains the reputation of the authoress.

LE COURRIER des Etats-Unis--[The United States Courier.] Ofice 73 Franklin.

street, ucar Broadway, New York.

This French newspaper is now issued daily. Terms of the daily, $3 00. The Cour. rier des Etats-Unis gives now, in full, the Trial of II. de Bucarine and Wise, which is going on in Belgium, and creating an extraordinary sensition throughout Europe.

A few copies of the numbers containing the report can be bad at the office: four cents a number.

The complete report will also appear in the weekly edition of the Courrier des Etats-Unis, the first number of which will be issued Saturday, 281h iliis month.

Terms of the weekly, $3 00 a year. Siugle copies, six cents. A liberal discount to Clubs, Agents and Publishers.

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The principle of universal suffrage, as adopted in the United States, was the unrestrained exercise of that right on the part of all white male citizens over twenty-one years of age, unless the right was forfeited by some violation of law on the part of the individual. Thus, the white males of age constituted the political nation; and these, according to the several enumerations, state and federal, number pretty uniformly about one-fourth part of the whole people, and these again are divided pretty equally into two parties, which alternately triumph; hence, about one-eighth part of the whole number of souls would govern the nation, or, at least, would appoint the officers who should carry on the government, if the principle was fully carried out. Through the operation of various state laws, however, restraints are imposed which still further reduce the number of legal voters, and render the governing minority of the whole people still more marked. Thus, of the New England states, Rhode Island had, in 1840, at the date of the census, a property qualification for voters; while in New Hampshire, as an instance, no restraint but those growing out of crimes were imposed upon the right of suffrage. If we compare these two states by taking the number of white males over the age of twenty-one, according to the United States census, and the number of votes cast at the presidential election of that year, when probably the strongest vote was brought out, we observe a great disparity, thus:

No. of

inales over No, of votes males in 100 votes in 100 21 who did Population.

cast. population. population. not voto. New Hampshire, 284,754 ........70,377.... ..59.919......25.... 20... 5 Rhode Island, 108,830.........26,266...... 8,579......25... 8........17

Thus, in New Hampshire, among 100 inhabitants, there, were twenty actual voters, and only five per cent. of aged, sick, incapacitated, or neglecting to vote. In Rhode Island, out of 100 inhabitants, twenty-five were free white males, but only eight voted, while seventeen were mostly restricted by the operation of the property qualification. If we carry out this table so as to embrace all the states in the Union, in 1840, we shall remark singular variations, as follows: VOL. XXIX.-NO. II.


No. of

No. of

White males

over 21.




Males pop

Males vote.




24. 90 28. 22. 21. 30. 30. 27.


.. 20.




Males not vote. Maine..... 117,351.


5. New Hampshire... 70,377. 59,919


5. Vermout...



7. Massachusetts. . 198.030.



7. Rhode Island... 26.666.


17. Counecticut... 77,871.



7. New York.. .591,674. 438,344.

6. New Jersey. 83,155. 74,385

3. Pennsylvania. 486,592. .287,693


12. Ohio.... 336,818. .272,939


5. Iudiana...



4. Illinois.. .143,656. 93.013


11. Michigan


.10. Wisconsin..

11,690 Iowa 12,234

39. Mississippi.. 43,413... 36,193..... 24.


4. Delaware.

10,841.. 23.


5. Maryland... 76,573


5. Virginia.... ..164,345..



11. North Carolina....100,8 31.

80,158.. 20.


5. South Carolina.... 55,928.

21. Georgia

72,197.. 21.


4. Florida.

9,229. Alabama..

62,462.. 21.


3. Missouri...... 74,413..

52,732.. 23.


7. Louisiana.... 50.110..

18,912... 28.


. 17. Arkansas

10,411... 23.

13. ...10. Kentucky.

91,105.. 21.


6. Tennessee. ..126,724. ...103,630.. 18.

3. In this table it appears that the number of 25 per 100 of population is the average for free white males in the northern and western states. The proportion of white males in the newly settled states is very high, but owing probably to the sparse settlement, and the large proportion of aliens in the country, the ratio of votes do not rise. In the new southern states, where immigration does not affect the representative numbers in so great a degree, there is less disparity between the number of votes and the number of white males, with the exception of Louisiana, where the vote for 1840 was under the old constitution of that state, which restrained the right by property qualification. The recent modification of these restraints by the constitutions recently adopted, has much increased the number of voters. It results generally, that in a population of 14 million whites in 1840, there were 3,538,000 free white males over twenty-one years of age, and of these 2,405,506 voted; and of these, 1,300,000 decided elections, and with them the policy of the government: that is to say, the vote of one person governed eleven. The number of votes cast was much increased from what it would have been, had the tide of immigration been dess, or had the restraints imposed upon aliens been more stringent. The number of males which arrive in the country by much exceeds those of the females, thus : in 1850 there arrived in the United States 158,000 males and 113,000 females, giving an excess of 47,000 males who can become voters in from three to five years in New-York, and vote for the Chief Magistrate of the Union, while many Americans of great intellect and large property can never enjoy that right. That an extended and reformed mode of franchise is needed,



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is evident, and in some respects the initiative steps have been taken in this direction. In many of the states the rights of the “ unrepresented classes” have, in the State Constitutional Conventions, received more attention of late, particularly in the mode of protecting them; but it would seem to be better to go directly to the point, and alter their condition from the

unrepresented classes.” In the case of property, the relations between man and wife in New-York and some other states have been changed so far, that the married female holds absolutely in her own right the property which comes to her through any other channel than her husband. Thus her property is, before the law, no longer his property. In this position it becomes necessary for her to exercise the control of that property; and a law was passed at the last session of the New-York legislature, giving married women the right to vote at elections of officers and directors in corporations of which they are stockholders. That is to say, if a married woman holds 100 shares of bank stock, she can vote at the election of officers and directors. Now, if the same woman holds land and houses forming a portion of the city corporation, has not she as much natural right to vote for the mayor and aldermen who manage the business of that corporation, as for the president and directors who manage the affairs of the moneyed corporation in which she is concerned? This, however, is apply. ing a property qualification to women, and degrading the intellectuality of the voter in the manner pointed out by Dr. Franklin when the property qualification was proposed. Said he : "Suppose a man owns a jackass worth $100, and that property confers upon him the right to vote : very well! he votes, but in the next year the death of the animal deprives the man of the vote : was it then the man or the jackass which voted ?" It is not this ground of the mere possession of property, which, for the most part, she has not earned, that the female influence at the polls would be most desirable; but it is on the ground of the moral influence which the female voice would exert upon the course of government, that the greatest good might be expected. The moral influence of woman in the social state softening and purifying the ruder temper of the sterner sex, has long been admitted, even if ever doubted. Her perception of right and wrong is more acute, and her superior love of offspring would form a most powerful check upon that profligacy of legislation, which has not only become so disgraceful, but is so rapidly increasing in magnitude, and which, if no check upon it is applied, must become subversive of government. The question arises whether, by enlisting women, by giving them a voice in its management, in the operations of government, they would not throw over the political world that moral restraint which is so beneficial in the social state. Ilow many of the actors in the rogueries at Albany, during the present summer, would retain their places, if their knavish tricks were discussed in the female circles as freely as the important question whether skirts should be long or short, or be worn with pantalettes or without ?The probability is, that if the temporal as well as the spiritual, the political as well as the social portion of their offspring were to engage the attention of the mothers of America, by which we do not mean that silly and frivolous portion of the sex which supposes that the welfare of a nation and the destiny of a race hangs upon the cut of a collar, or the fashion of a frock, or the length of leggings, that an immense and beneficial inAuence would soon be felt upon the course of politics.

The right of suffrage has been pushed in the United States, until it now embraces all male whites over twenty-one years of age not under convic

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