of this has greatly improved our ability to withstand natural disasters. The irrigated areas have been expanded each year, and the water from the Huai River exceeds our demands."

The State makes arrangements for those dispossessed by the Project and helps build them new houses. A commune's "tax" or remission of funds to the government is always about five per cent of its gross product regardless of benefits or losses from nearby projects. The project benefits the communes so "they are glad to provide the labor." On large canal construction projects as many as 200,000 volunteer. The labor is paid for by the State through the communes at the rate of regular construction wages which generally are 50 per cent higher than those received as farm income. The average wage for the fulltime construction worker is $26 (45 yüan) a month whereas the peasant receives $14-$17 (25-30 yuan) a month. The worker receives his pay through the regular commune distribution system.

Approximately 70 people constitute the core of experts for the total project. These move from one large undertaking to the next in the project; they are not used on medium or small efforts. These skilled personnel comprise the only full-time force in water construction work. Some received training in the Nanking Engineering College and a Water Conservancy College; others became experts on the job. The Army normally does not participate in these projects but sometimes its soldiers help in digging the big reservoirs.

The entire project, we were told, cost $1.4 billion (2 billion yuan). The project leaders send an annual plan for the overall project to the provincial Bureau of Hydrology and after discussion the revised plan is sent to Peking for decision. The local engineers said they know the people in the Ministry of Water Conservancy and Power and can suggest projects to it through provincial channels. The people who participate in the decisions in Peking are mainly from the Ministry itself. Sometimes, however, the Ministry cannot have final say because the project is too big. It is then sent to the State Planning Commission for final disposition. The entire Commission can discuss projects, but most plans go to one of its specialized groups. When a project comes up for review or approval, the project chairman and vice chairman normally take part in the Peking discussions; leading members of other concerned ministries often take part as well. We were told: "The people are always welcome to visit the leadership and to make complaints. They may tell the responsible people of the area or write letters, even to Chairman Mao. Answers must be given to these letters as required by the Constitution. You can have people go directly to Peking if they feel that is necessary." We had no way of determining the extent to which these rights are exercised.

VII. SOCIAL CONTROL

While there can be no doubt that China's internal development has been achieved at the cost of some human rights and freedoms, it is also clear that from the Chinese view their road to modernization has already yielded important human benefits. We came to realize how complex China's industrial and social development is and how difficult it is to reach simple conclusions about it at this stage. Nevertheless there is a strong American tendency to inquire into the human condition in

China according to our own system of values. We did see that the Chinese have a different view of incentives and costs but know of no way to assess objectively how individuals in China view any sacrifice of rights or freedoms.

One constant on the Chinese scene is the powerful impact that Mao's sayings and doctrines have. As the Senate's distinguished Minority Leader put in his own China report three years ago, "Teaching, guiding, vivifying, and heading is Chairman Mao. Larger than life and somewhere closer to the red susrise in the east than other men is the one who brought the New China into existence and who defines its present and future." His portrait and his sayings are ubiquitous. They are on sign boards, walls, and even on buoys anchored in the sea. They are enunciated to inspire, unite, command, and encourage. His words are freely quoted for they seem to vitalize the bureaucracy and give a sense of cohesiveness and structure to the organization of Chinese society.

Having said this, we also learned that the Chinese are not satisfied with the outcome of previous campaigns. Furthermore, they are disenchanted with the activities of the Red Guards in the sixties. Mao admitted himself that they "lacked experience," "were easily deceived," and "were led to extremes by bad elements." The new stress is on Lenin's works and on his efforts to establish a disciplined proletarian dictatorship. One of Mao's sayings on a billboard in Shanghai reads: "Why did Lenin speak of exercising dictatorship over the bourgeoisie? This question must be thoroughly understood. Lack of clarity on this question will lead to revisionism. This should be made known to the whole nation."

Our farewell banquet in China on the eve of our departure was given by a Shanghai official who, more forcibly than any other in China, discussed the purposes of ideaological campaigns for social control. His comments are worth quoting at length:

Shanghai is a city with over 10 million people. How to unite it and turn it into a unique force, that is the greatest challenge. There are 10 million old, middle-aged, and young from different professions, different classes and social strata. How to unite and bring together all these elements with different thoughts is a real problem.

What the KMT [Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist Party] left over is a really arduous task. There is much to reform. We are determined to transform the city of Shanghai into a socialist city, a majestic city.

Whom to rely on? The several million industrial workers, this is whom we will rely on. Chairman Mao says if each industrial worker has 4 people in his family, then there are 5-6 million industrial workers in Shanghai. They were the downtrodden and the oppressed. They are the fundamental force to rely on.

Shanghai has 10 counties under the municipality [where food growing for the urban population is the principal work]. That means the city has peasants as well as [urban] workers. The greatest challenge is to carry out ideological education among the 10 million-both workers and peasants-and make them realize they are not working for themselves alone but for the great majority of the people. This is not easy. People from the old society feel human beings exist only for themselves. There is an old saying: "If a human being does not work for himself then heaven and earth will collapse." Tradition and feudal ideas will influence people for a long time. As socialist revolution and construction continue, we must continue education to work for the great majority.

This is what you call "brainwashing." Some people fear the term. We brainwash ourselves every day. Every day there are bound to emerge filthy ideas in the minds such as putting one's own interests above that of the State. This kind of individualism we are against. To change is not an easy job.

Even within the Chinese Communist Party there were dedicated party members who entered Shanghai at the time of Liberation. Their ideology gradually changed. Originally they knew they should serve the people in a dedicated way. Then, however, they became bureaucratic officials in a big way-they liked big houses and cars. Now should people live in better houses? Yes. But not just a handful. Those who live better should be a majority. Some people like to swell their own purse. We call these revisionist elements. They preach of service to the masses wholeheartedly but as a matter of fact take into account only their own interests. Some people like this climbed to very senior positions. They were discovered in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. In the future we'll see if we ourselves become revisionists. Our own people will observe and Mr. Lewis [the China scholar with our delegation] will observe. We must educate people with the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Then they will overthrow us if we become revisionist.

"Brainwashing" then is educating people ideologically. We have been doing this in the past few years-we are persisting in doing it.

Because of this, industrial output doubled the figure before the Great Prolitarian Cultural Revolution. We do not give incentives as a bonus. We did increase collective welfare as you saw with the Workers' New Village this morning.

There is a problem. A segment of the people is very difficult to educate. Some are influenced by the theory of the petit bourgeoisie and dream of acquiring possessions and wealth. Also a handful of our youth would like the lifestyle and dress of the West. They are unwilling to serve the people with all their strength and energy. Every day hundreds of seamen land in Shanghai. Some young persons follow them and admire their clothes. Some youths think these are good. How can they become successors to the revolution? To educate the more stubborn old people is less difficult than the challenge of educating the youth.

The first and second generation are revolutionaries. Can we be assured that the next generation will remain so? We still have a great amount of work to do. Next time when you come you will see if we have advanced.

Internal Uses of the Militia.—In a number of places we learned about China's military preparedness programs. When linked to the movement to study proletarian dictatorship, these programs had a pervasive domestic impact. In Tsinan, for example, teenage girls with electric bull horns called on the people to obey the traffic laws, and signs said: "We must have discipline, the revolution must be continued." Red banners, hung in the traditional manner, proclaimed: "If the army and the people unite as one, who on earth can match them?" In a park in one large city we talked to one "workers militiaman" who stressed the domestic role of the militia. The working class had to be vigilant, he said, because "bad elements" had infiltrated the park. We asked the man why there were so many of these militiamen in the park, and he said that the bad elements were always particularly active in parks. (We might note that none of his mood of danger touched us. He and all the people responded warmly to us, particularly when we told them we were Americans. There was absolutely no hostility to us from anyone. Quite the contrary, there was a great deal of positive interest in us. In several cities that had not had previous American delegations such as ours, as we left the train stations crowds of applauding Chinese lined the streets to welcome and greet us.) Given such a limited sample, we have no way of judging the significance of the "bad elements" in this or other places. Are there real internal enemies, or are foes fabricated as necessary to unite the people? We simply do not know.

We were particularly struck by the emphasis on militia training and in the variations in militia activity from one commune to the next. In one brigade 40 per cent of the brigade's population participated

in the militia. We learned that they could join one of two types of militia: the basic (chi-kan, literally "basin level backbone") militia made up of men and women from 18-30 (most especially demobilized soldiers) and the ordinary (p'u-t'ung) militia made up of women aged 16-50 and men aged 16-55. Which militia a person joins is decided by the People's Armed Forces Department of the commune revolutionary committee. The purpose of the militia, we were told, is to be able to rely on the broad masses of the people to carry on the fight in time of war, though none of those we talked to had received any first-aid training. All engage in political study, drill, and some forms of training with small arms. Once a week the militia men and women train during regular working hours; other training comes in the peasants' spare time.

The basic militia unit in one brigade has its own guns. Some of these are kept in the houses of individuals, some are kept in the brigade arsenal. The unit has regular contacts with the soldiers from the PLA. The Army provides training but does not have troops regularly stationed in the brigade. The brigade also sends basic militiamen to nearby army camps for, as one said, "we have to be fully prepared.' The schedule for such training with the PLA varies, depending in large part on the brigade's work schedule. Roughly three times every year a group of 50 or 60 basic militia soldiers in one brigade we studied are ordered to undertake PLA training for two months. These train in antiaircraft gunnery and the use of tanks, mortars, and automatic small arms. Women, roughly half of the militia force everywhere, also participate. The women drill with guns and go to camp with the men. A man we spoke to said he went to camp last. year and the year before. His wife had gone with him once but usually she stayed to take care of their two children.

We learned in another brigade that roughly 30 percent of its populace were in the militia. We noted that only one in four has his or her own gun, and none is kept in the individual's house. Here training with the People's Liberation Army is on a less regular basis, though the PLA does comes to help on the farm as well as assist in military training. Demobilized soldiers now living in the brigade form the core of the "basic militia" force training element, which seems to be a common practice.

We learned less about the "workers militia" (kung-jen min-ping) in the cities than the "peasant militia." The basic "kung-jen min-ping" also receive training from the PLA using live ammunition and grenades. Both men and women participate equally. The main activity of the workers militia is constant study. They study Marxism-Leninism and the thought of Mao Tse-tung. Each primary unit of militiamen contains about 20 workers. The one we discussed has 12 men and 8 women, not all from the same work place. Its members had not been to a PLA camp nor had any been in the Army. These were "ordinary" not "basic" militiamen. Some had applied for Army service but had been turned down.

We asked elsewhere about the militia in the cities and learned the following: "The militia are not assigned to the neighborhoods but to the factories." The militia recruits typically are drawn from industrial workers and are organized and trained principally in factories and

enterprises in all cities. There is a relationship between the militia, the uniformed police, and the city's People's Armed Forces Department. The militia is assigned to safeguard the national defense, to maintain social order, and to maintain the security of the society.

Justice in China.-In setting our priorities for studying Chinese society and aspects of social control, many of us gave the highest place to an understanding of how the demands for national unity affected the individual. We were also interested in deviance from the norm of unity and how the norm was being transmitted at the family level. We were able to investigate this in a morning spent in the Peking Intermediate Court. (Our conclusions on the divorce proceedings we witnessed in this court are given in the next section on human relations.) This was one of four court levels: the first level, the highest level, is the Supreme People's Court. Next comes the provincial higher court, then the district or intermediate court level, and finally the elementary court. The intermediate court we visited is the court of first appeal and, in some cases, can serve as the court of first instance. Each court has a chief judge, a deputy chief judge, several regular judges, and a recorder. The system does not provide for jury trials, but selected citizens in the courtroom are always assigned participating roles.

The procedures followed in criminal cases are generally the same as those in civil cases. There is an investigation of the case ("prosecution") by the police, then a follow-up inquiry ("verification") by the court, the trial, and the verdict. Only those accused of serious crimes, unlike the parties in civil or petty criminal cases, normally are kept in jail prior to trial and are escorted to the court by the police. Witnesses are not sworn, and normally no lawyers (who no longer exist as a separate profession) are engaged. In the trial the accused parties cannot remain mute. If one tries to do so the court attempts to persuade this person to speak. If he or she still refuses then the case is delayed and the person is asked to reconsider. "In the end he must answer.

Judges are chosen from among "those who have been tempered in the revolutionary struggle." Some are workers, peasants, and soldiers; some, but not all, are graduates of law schools. A deliberate attempt is made to have old, middle-aged, and young judges in the courts. "The most important thing is that they understand the policies of the State." This is particularly important since each case is judged on the basis of its relationship to its social impact and in respect to the attitude of the accused. Every level of court can sentence an accused to prison although in each case the effort is to obtain reform and return the person to society. There are prisons, and capital punishment is known to exist. The role of the people ("masses") present in the courtroom is not only to discuss the crime and criticize the criminal but to set the basis for the reformed convict to return to society. The judge must determine the seriousness of the case, and in the case of robbery, for example, the attitude of the accused and his willingness to reform are weighed more heavily than the amount of the theft or the number of times that the person has stolen. "Our policy is leniency toward those who admit their mistakes, harshness to those who do not. We consider all of these things in giving sentences."

We asked in one commune whether there had been any murders, rapes, assaults, or drug cases in the past year, and how many were in jail. The answer was more political than substantive: "In this