country, and if the ministers of the emperor will not advise him to adopt it, his great soul will reveal it to him."

The duke of Bassano was the chief opponent of the speech thus delivered. He suggested the expedience of placing beneath the restrictions of a severe police, the members of the different factions who had insulted, or disturbed, the government of Napoleon. "Let those chiefs," said he "be punished, who, coming from the various cities of La Vendee, and the frontier provinces, cherish the hopes of the court of Ghent, and the animosity of Europe. Exclude their accomplices from official authority. Restrain the inferior agents with more strictness, and you will have produced the double effect, of disconcerting the foreign enemy, and of strengthening the government and its friends. Had this measure been adopted, a person who now hears me, and who well understands me (La Fayette), would not smile at the misfortunes of the country, and Wellington would not be marching on Paris." This harangue was received with continued clamour, and the duke of Bassano was compelled to sit down in the midst of hisses and execrations. other member, in describing the necessity of a change in the form of government, veliemently exclaimed, "The liberties of the nation should not be mere chimeras, and her rights words without meaning." Before the assembly separated, one of the members, who had taken no part in the debate, exclaimed, with a voice purposely meant to reach the emperor's ear," M. de la Fayette has struck at the root of the evil. I admire Napoleon, but in order that all France, and that posterity may think as I do, one great act is still wanting. Is there no one so much a friend to our happiness and glory, as to point out to him in what manner he may still add to them."

Au

At the meeting of deputies on the following morning, they received a visit from general Grenier, who stated, that after a deliberation of five hours, the imperial committee had resolved, "that the safety of the country required the consent of the emperor to the nomination, by the two chambers, of a commission, charged to negociate directly with the coalesced powers, stipulating only that they

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should respect the national independence, the territorial integrity, and the right which belongs to every people of framing their own constitution. These negociations," it was added, " must be supported by the developeinent of the national force." Murmurs of disapprobation were heard from every part of the hall. The members expressed themselves in the most indignant terms upon the project of the emperor's treating for peace, when he himself was the only obstacle to its accomplishment. "Give us," said they, some idea of your new policy. What are your plans, your combinations? Europe has declared war against Napoleon alone.Let us have no secrets. Let us have no secrets. Shew us the depth of the abyss. We shall find means to fathom it: but how can the emperor pretend to save the country." "We have followed your brother," said M. de la Fayette, "across the sands of Africa, and the deserts of Russia; the bones of our countrymen, that whiten the plains in almost every quarter of Europe, bear witness to our patience and fidelity.It is our perseverance that we have to regret, and the blood of three millions of Frenchmen. Go (addressing Lucien Buonaparte), tell your brother that we will trust him no longer: we will ourselves undertake the salvation of our country." After much tumultuous discussion, and an elaborate harangue by Duchesne, the latter continued, "I freely express my opinion. What may be the consequence of the late events? We have only one certain means left, which is to engage the emperor, in the name of the safety of the state, in the sacred name of a suffering country, to declare his abdication." The applauses were tumultuous. The vote of abdication was carried, and the ministers, with the counsellors of state, and some deputies, repaired to the palace of the Elysée. The duke of Otranto, M. Constant, and two of the representatives, employed all their eloquence to convince Napoleon of the necessity of the measure.

The following statement is from the pen of M. Didier:

For two days and nights, meetings and committees succeeded each other in the Elysee palace, without producing any result.

The emperor's anxiety seemed to increase. Much business seemed to be doing, and yet nothing was determined. The time was, however, pressing. The chambers had assembled, and, froin the violence of the discussions, it was plain that the parties stood opposed to each other; the necessity of an abdication was already spoken of with much freedom.

I heard the noise of a carriage which stopped at the palace; it was prince Lucien's. Napoleon turned pale on seeing him; he went down, however, and met his brother in the garden. The prince drew the emperor aside into the closest walk in the garden. I followed at a distance, by turnings which I knew, and I arrived behind a thicket of verdure which concealed me from them. It is probable I heard only the last part of their

The Emperor.-I have dared too much. The Prince.-Yes, too much, and too little. Dare once again. You deliberate when it is proper you should act. Others are acting and not deliberating; they will pronounce your forfeiture.

The Emperor. Forfeiture! Let us see Davoust.

They returned into the palace, and the prince of Eckmuhl was sent for. I am not certain what was proposed to him, nor what he replied; but it appeared that he would attempt nothing against the independence of the national representation.

Prince Lucien, much agitated, soon drove off in his carriage. I heard him say to his secretary, "What can I say to you? The smoke of Mont St. Jean has turned his head."

The emperor shut himself hermetically in a retired cabinet, and did not come out for an hour. He had asked for a jelly and coffee, and a valet-de-chambre sent it in to him by a boy, who, during his service in the palace, had been particularly noticed by Napoleon, and of whom he seemed very fond. The boy looked seriously at the emperor, who was sitting motionless, with his hands over

his eyes." Eat some," said the boy, "it will do you good." The emperor asked-"Are you not from Gonesse ?"" No, Sire, I come from Pierre Fite."-" And your parents have a cottage and some acres there?" "Yes, Sire."-" That is a happy life!" His head, which he had for a moment raised, he then sunk again upon his hands.

Napoleon soon after returned to his great cabinet, where he found me opening a dispatch. "Is there any thing new there?" said the emperor." It contains a letter addressed to his majesty himself." Buonaparte read what follows:

"The chastisement of a hero consists in his fall. Your's is resolved on, and in order that history may consider it as legal as your contemporaries will believe it just, the public authority is about to pronounce it. Your accomplices will not then have it in their power to describe it as the work of the bayonets of the Kalmucks. You may, however, prevent this. Take to yourself the honour of descending from a throne from which you may be dragged. This is the advice of a candid enemy who has often admired you, who never feared you; and who, at the price of his blood, would have wished to have had to revere, in you, the saviour of that world of which you have been the scourge. That enemy cannot leave him whom his genius and the national will have raised to sovereignty, without saying to him what his friends, if any yet remain to him, ought to say-Abdicate."

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"That I should abdicate?" biting his lips, and crushing the letter in his hand." What think you of it?" said he, to two of the ministers, the duke of Bassano and Regnault St. Jean d'Angeley, who had just enteredthe former was silent." I understand you," said Napoleon, affecting gaiety, you agree with the anonymous writer. Well, count Regnault, what is your opinion?"—" With men and money you might still repel the ⚫ attacks of your assailants; but without them, what can you do but yield?"-" I am able to resist."" Public opinion is with the chambers, and it is the opinion of the chambers that a sacrifice is required."

Here general Solignac, member of the chamber of deputies, was announced. So

lignac!" exclaimed the emperor" he has not spoke to me these five years, what can he want?" The ministers withdrew, and Solignac was immediately admitted.

I was not present at the conversation, I shall therefore quote the words in which the general has stated it himself:

a

"It was settled; the chamber had determined to exclude Napoleon from the throne; but it was wished to shew regard for the army in proceedings concerning the person of its chief, whose power and glory the troops had so long been accustomed to respect. There was also reason to fear, that the decree of its forfeiture might be made the pretext of an insurrection. The capital might become the scene of serious troubles, and the country be involved in a civil war. It appeared necessary, therefore, in order to avoid these evils, that the abdication of Napoleon should proceed from himself, and be considered as a voluntary act of devotedness for the country,

"To obtain this object, I employed the means of persuasion which appeared to me best calculated for success. After an hour and a half's conversation, Napoleon at last yielded to my urgent recommendations. He appeared touched with the frankness and energy with which I spoke, while at the same time I preserved the respect which was due to his rank, and still more to his misfor tunes. In a word, I left the emperor with the assurance that he would transmit his act of abdication, and I arrived at the chamber of representatives before the forfeiture, which was then under consideration, became the subject of positive decree."

A secretary was immediately summoned, and the following declaration drawn up :"Frenchmen! In commencing war for maintaining the national independence, I relied on the union of all efforts, of all wills, and the concurrence of all the national authorities. I had reason to hope for success, and I braved all the declarations of the powers against me.

"Circumstances appear to me changed. I offer myself a sacrifice to the hatred of the enemies of France. May they prove sincere in their declarations, and have really directed them only against my power! My political

life is terminated, and I proclaim my son, under the title of Napoleon II. emperor of the French.

"The present members will provisionally form the council of the government. The interest which I take in my son, induces me to invite the chambers to form the regency by a law without delay.

"Unite all for the public safety, in order to remain an independent nation.

(Signed) "NAPOLEON." Solignac hastened to the assembly with this important paper. It was received with every mark of respect They who had been most eager in their cries for his abdication or forfeiture were the foremost in expressing their gratitude for the sacrifice which Buonaparte had made. La Fayette proposed that his person and interests should be placed under the protection of the national honour, and the resolution was carried by acclamation. Regnault, who had already proved his love to his country by the advice which he had lately given Buonaparte, was eager to shew that no change of circumstances could diminish his affection for his former sovereign:

"Gentlemen," said he, "I am no longer a minister, I am a citizen; I am a representative of the people, and I have a right to claim this title, for I have proved myself such even in the cabinet of the prince, towards whom you have still a duty to perform; and here I am certain that no one will disavow the sentiments which I am about to express.

"You have had at your head a man whom you have proclaimed great. This man posterity will judge. He was invested by the people with sovereign power. He has laid it aside without reserve, without personal consideration. The chamber should become the interpreter of the sentiments which are due to him, and which the nation will preserve towards him. I propose that the president and his bureau shall proceed to Napoleon, to express to him, in the name of the nation, the gratitude and respect with which it accepts the noble sacrifice which he has made for the independence and happiness of the French people."

The motion was unanimously carried, and

the president, Lanjuinais, attended by the vice-presidents and secretaries, proceeded to the palace. Buonaparte received them sur rounded by all his former ministers, by all the grand officers of his household, and by a strong body of his guard. At no former audience had he exhibited so much imperial state. It was an excusable vanity, which made him wish once more to appear as a sovereign, before he retired for ever into the private walks of life. Buonaparte was firm, and collected. He was pale and exhausted, from the effect of previous agitation, but was now serene and even cheerful.

Lanjuinais approached with more than usual respect. His countenance was agitated, and his voice trembled. He said that he was commissioned to express the deep sense of gratitude which the deputies unanimously felt for his generous compliance with their wishes, and the imperious demand of circumstances. When his throne was connected with the glory and the happiness of France, or while it could be supported without the hazard of the utter destruction of their native land, they had rallied round him, and would have defended him with their lives. But the reverses of Waterloo had again exposed their beloved country to the invasion of a million of armed foreigners, who had sworn never to make peace with Napoleon, but who had otherwise solemnly promised to respect the independence of the French, and to acknowledge the prince of their choice. Napoleon's resignation of the imperial power was the only expedient which could disarm the fury of the enemy, who, when, the object against whom alone they professed to set themselves in array had ceased politically to had ceased politically to exist, could no longer consistently carry on the war; and in proportion as the sacrifice which he had made was important to France, their gratitude to him increased. The termination of his political life constituted the most glorious period of his whole career. No longer, by his own generous abdication, their sovereign, they loved and honoured him as the first and most illustrious of their citizens.

His safety, and his dearest interests, would be the object of their most tender solicitude, and be ever considered as the most sacred deposit committed to their care.

Buonaparte replied, "I thank you for the sentiments you express. I recommend the chambers to reinforce the armies, and to place them in the best state of defence.→→→ Those who wish for peace ought to prepare for war. Do not expose this great nation to the mercy of the foreigner, lest you be disappointed in your hopes. In whatever situa tion I may be placed, I shall be happy if France be free and independent. In transferring the right which France has given to my son, I make this great sacrifice only for the welfare of the nation, and the interest of my son, whom I therefore proclaim emperor."

The president observed that the assembly had not deliberated on this point, and had charged him with no commission.

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"I told you so," said Buonaparte aside to Lucien, " I did not think that they could or would do it.” "Tell the assembly," he con-. tinued, turning to the president, "that I recommend to them my son: that I abdicate in favour of my son."

The assembly, without attending to the article respecting the young Napoleon, accepted solemnly, in the name of the French people, the abdication of Napoleon Buonaparte, and named a deputation, composed of the president, the vice-president, and the secretaries, to offer him the thanks of the chamber. It was an interesting spectacle to behold these nine representatives of the people, invested only with the force of public opi nion, and the decree of the assembly, enter ing the palace of a man against whom a million of soldiers were in arms, who had given orders to all the sovereigns of the continent, who still commanded the French armies, the guards which surrounded him, and a numerous party in the suburbs, to announce to him that he was no longer emperor, and that the nation resumed the government. He received the deputation surrounded by all the great officers of his household, and those of his guard, with all the pomp suitable to the imperial dignity, of which he was about to be deprived. His figure and deportment were calm: he said that a great disaster had happened, but that the territory was yet untouched; he spoke of the sacrifice which he made at the desire of the chamber, in the

consideration of public circumstances, and of his tenderness for his son. The president observed to him, in a respectful tone, that the assembly, whose decree he had just read, had not deliberated on that part of his message, but that he would render an account of his majesty's observations. "I thought so," said Buonaparte aside to his brother, "I did not suppose they could do it" but, resuming, he answered, "Tell the assembly that I recommend to it my son." The deputation then withdrew, still observing the most respectful ceremonies.

The condition of the direct nomination of Napoleon's son to the succession was eluded by the deputies with much dexterity; the house passing to the order of the day, since a son naturally succeeds to his father, but stating, at the same time, by the reporter, that the safety of twenty millions could not be put in competition with the fortune of a child. The assembly thought it imprudent to come to a more open declaration. Buonaparte, though clothed with no legal authority, was still at his palace in the Champs Elysée, surrounded by soldiers, and by multitudes, who saluted him with cries of "Long live the Emperor! Give us arms, we are ready to support him," These effusions of popular sympathy operated on the sensibility of the fallen hero. He testified his gratitude by smiles and courtesies, and a certain number of arms were delivered to the populace. The assembly meanwhile convoked the chiefs of the national guard, and these citizen soldiers formed a formidable and numerous phalanx around them.

The debates of the upper house, or chamber of peers, were not conducted with the same order and decent observance. An opposition arose from a quarter least expected. Marshal Ney, who had commanded the right wing at the battle of Waterloo, rose in his place, and gave the lie direct to the whole of Carnot's favourable report of the state of the army The deliberations of the house were likewise interrupted by Labedoyere, who said, "If you do not acquiesce in the accession of the young Napoleon, the emperor will draw his sword, and he will yet be unsparing of blood. The nation is unworthy of his affection towards it." The speech of this

"You

officer was answered by Massena : are much too young M. le General." M. Lameth added, that M. Labedoyere had forgotten he was no longer in the guard house. Nothing further was decided in this discussion on the succession of the king of Rome. It being impossible to carry on business. without an executive government, the first care of the chambers was to select a committee, who should provisionally assume the chief command. Three were appointed by the lower house, and two by the peers. They consisted of the duke of Otranto, minister of police, M. Carnot, minister for home affairs, M. de Caulaincourt, the minister of the foreign department, general Grenier, and M. Quinette. They commenced their proceedings by the following proclamation :

"Frenchmen! Within the period of a few days, glorious successes and a dreadful reverse have agitated your destinies. A great sacrifice appeared necessary to your peace and the tranquillity of the world, end Napoleon abdicated the imperial power. His abdication forms the termination of his political life. His son is proclaimed.

"Your new constitution, which possesses, as yet, only good principles, is about to undergo its application, and even those principles are to be purified and extended.— There no longer exist powers jealous of each other. The space is free to the enlightened patriotism of your representatives, and the peers feel, think, and vote, as the public opinion directs.

"After twenty-five years of political tempests, the moment has arrived when every thing wise and sublime, that has been conceived respecting social institutions, may be perfected in yours. Let reason and genius speak; and from whatever side their voices may proceed they shall be heard.

"Plenipotentiaries have departed, in order to treat in the name of the nation, and to negociate with the powers of Europe that peace which they have promised on one condition, which is now fulfilled. The whole world will, like you, be attention to their reply. Their answer will make known whether justice and promises are held on earth in any estimation.

"Frenchmen! be united. Let all rally