has not been my prison; my own house, camps, guard-houses, taverns and hotels; castles, wherries, packet-boats, messenger's houses, court houses, bridewells, state prisons (as they are called,) tenders, garrisons, palaces; and, as a prisoner, have I been travelled about from my own house in the south to Carrickfergus in the north of Ireland; from the western extremity of Wales, to Maidstone, nearly the eastern extremity of England; from Dublin to Fort George in Scotland; within forty miles of John O'Grot's house, to London. In mail coaches, hackney coaches, post carriages, and carts; on foot and on horseback. And all because (for I know of no other cause) that, ten years before the French Revolution, I saw the absolute necessity of a Reform in the Commons in Ireland, which was acknowledged afterwards by the factions of England and Ireland; and because I would not consent to a legislative Union, which I regarded as equally ruinous to both parts of the kingdom.On the whole, then, let the people of England, now that they are in possession of their sober senses, decide between my accusers and me: whether the laws were infringed by ME, who have gone through every ordeal, who have always courted investigation and enquiry; who for years NEVER CEASED TO DEMAND TRIAL; or by THEM, who sought the protection of a BILL OF INDEMNITY, passed by an assembly of which they themselves made a part."Such, reader, is the political history, such are the crimes of Mr. O' CON- | NOR: Such is the person, to have had whom in his house, at the time when the army stormed it, was, if the public had been still fools enough, to be set down to the account of Sir Francis, and as proof presumptive, at least, that he had wicked designs, designs against the peace and safety of the country! Reader, if you be an Englishman, and have neither job nor contract nor place nor unmerited-pension nor defalcation in your accounts with the public; in short, if you profit from no species of public robbery, say, how should you like to be treated as Mr. O'Connor was? How should you like this sort of treatment? How should you like to have your house, your gardens, your fields, your plantations, laid waste and destroyed, as his were! How should you like to be hurried from prison to prison to be

thrown into dungeon after dungeon; and when you demanded trial, refused that trial? But, surely, I need not ask these questions. Well, then, is there to be no feeling for him, because he is an Irishman? Are we ready to avow this to the Irish people? I trust not; I trust that we shall prove to that unfortunate people, that we feel for them as for ourselves; that we are as ready to resent their wrongs as we are our own; that, in a word, we regard them as our countrymen, and that we are resolved to consider their enemies as our enemies. This is the way to produce an union with Ireland; a real union; an union of the hearts of the people of the whole kingdom; and this sort of union it is that the Boroughmongers and their hirelings would wish to prevent. Hitherto, indeed, they have prevented it. They have never missed an opportunity of misrepresenting the people of Ireland. They have caused the people of England to believe, that those of Ireland were bent upon a surrender of their country to France, and that all their demands relating to political and civil liberty, were mere pretences. What evils have not sprung from this accursed source !-I beseech the reader to consider, that it is not in nature, that the people of Ireland should not hate us, if we persist in our credence to these calumnies. It is, on all hands, agreed, that Ireland is our vulnerable part. Does it not, then, become us to strengthen that part; to use all the means in our power of regaining the good-will of the Irish people, and to induce them to make common-cause with us against the common enemy? And, what can be more opposite to this than reviving the memory of those cruel times, to which Mr. O'Connor's Narrative refers; than tearing the skin from the hardly-healed and hardly-hidden wound! What he has said, he has been compelled to say. He has been calumniated in the most foul and infamous manner. To remain silent might have been construed into a consciousness of guilt. His calumniators, therefore, are answerable for the revival of the memory of that, which he was willing should be forgotten, and which nothing out boroughs mongering malignity could have inde any one to attempt to revive.

[Price 1s.

737]

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. SIR FRANCIS BUrdett and the LIVERY. -The Meeting of the Livery of London was (at page 710) mentioned, in my last Number. The Resolutions and Petition, agreed to at that meeting, will be found in a subsequent page of this present Number, followed by an account of the procession of the Livery, and by the Speech of Sir Francis to them, when they, with Mr. SHERIFF WOOD at their head, presented their Resolution of Thanks to himn in person, on the Esplanade, in the Tower. Their petition to the Honourable House was rejected; it was not suffered to lie on the table of the Honourable House; and, a late petition of theirs, relative to the calamitous expedition to Walcheren, was not received by the king; the Livery were refraud the honour of presenting it to the king, either on the throne, or at the levee; they were refused the honour of coming into the presence of the king. Well! They have not been refused the honour of coming into the presence of Sir Francis! They have met with no refusal there. At the Tower they were welcome.

The manner in which this matter was conducted is so interesting in itself, and may be of so much consequence in the way of example, that I have inserted the whole account of it, as published in the "ALFRED, OR WESTMINSTER GAZETTE," where I find it given in the fullest manner, and where the Speech of Sir Francis appears to have been inserted the most correctly. To thi Speech I need not call the attention of any one, it having been already read by every creature in England, capable of reading. Neither need I point out any particular parts of it as worthy of remark, the whole being too plain to be misunderstood, and every word being of importance to the cause of public liberty. It is calculated to have a great and lasting effect; and, for this, amongst many other things, we have to thank the present ministers and those who rally round them." As I was reading the account of the procession to the

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Tower, and especially when I came to that part, where a description is given of the manner, in which the Livery drew up, on the Esplanade, to be received by Sir Francis; when I figured to myself this scene of the audience and the speeches, it came afresh and all of a sudden, across my mind, how wise the men must have been, how fit to rule a nation the men must have been, who were the first cause of all this!There can be no doubt, that the proceedings against Sir Francis were intended to lower him; to humble him; to pull him down; and, indeed, this object was openly avowed, even by those who voted against the commitment to the Tower and for the reprimand. The scheme has succeeded to admiration!

-The public will rot have forgotten the comted Jocul ei Tesday, the 10th of Apri; nor will they have forsuitor the c. that debate produced. Where is its Cfect now? Where was the effect of that debate, when the Livery of London were, presenting their address to Sir Francis, in the Tower? Mr. Curwen and Sir John Anstruther rally round His Majesty's government;" and the Livery of London rally round Sir Francis. This is all very natural; and it is just as it should be. There is great difference in the way of thinking of different men: much depends upon taste, in politics as well as in other things; but, I dare say, that, if Sir Francis hd to choose, he would as soon have the Livery of London raily round tin, as ne would have M. Curwen and Sir John Anstruther.When the Livery and Sir Francis were upon the Esplanade, in the Tower, a reflecting locker-on would have been apt to exclaim:

all this is the work of Mr. LETHBRIDGE! "Mr. Lethbridge (who would ever have " thought it!) has produced, in the world, " events like this! Mr. Lethbridge; aye "Mr. Lethbridge, is the father of an era in "our history!"--Not at all. Mr. Leth. bridge is as innocent of the whole thing, or of any part of it, as Mr. Dudley Ward or Mr. Robert Ward or Mr. Lyttleton or

Mr. Lamb or Mr. Barham or Mr. Ponsonby or Mr. Wilberforce or Mr. Windham or Mr. Adam or Sir John Anstruther, late Judge in India. The event has arisen out of the system of government, now in practice, of which system it is one of the natural fruits.The ministers plan and execute the calamitous, the deathdealing, the unspeakably disgraceful expedition to Walcheren. The Honourable House resolve to have an inquiry into the planning and prosecuting of that expedition, which inquiry the ministry oppose, but which is finally carried. The inquiry bring about to begin, Mr. Yorke avails himself and the ministry of the standing order for the shutting of people out of the gallery, by which means the evidence is retarded in its way to the people, and the knowledge of the speeches and questions of the several members is wholly kept from them. Mr. Gale Jones says, in print, that this conduct of Mr. Yorke is an outrage on public feeling. Mr. Yorke complains of this to the House. The House put Mr. Gale Jones in Newgate for having used the words. In a day or two after this, Mr. Yorke receives, from the minister, a sinecure place, for life, of 2,7001. a year, to be paid out of taxes raised upon the people. Sir Francis Burdett publishes an argument to show that the House has wrongfully imprisoned Mr. Gale Jones. The House order Sir Francis to be imprisoned in the Tower of London. Troops, an army, are sent to aid in the execution of the order. The Citizens of London go in form to the Tower, and thank Sir Francis Burdett for his conduct. Thus, we trace back the cause to the Walcheren Expedition. But, we must not stop there. The cause is further back. It lies in that system, without the existence of which the ministers never would have so planned and so executed that or any other expedition.

LORD COCHRANE'S SPEECH, — The speech of his lordship, made on the subject of the Navy Estimates, on the 11th instant, is worthy of particular attention, and, as such, I shall give it a place here, in the same manner as I did the speech of the Speaker about a year ago. His lordship deals in facts; and, certainly, more striking facts than those here exhibited to the public, it would be difficult to collect together.The nation grudges nothing to those who really serve it, in whatever department it may be. But it does, at a time like the present, grudge

its resources to sinecure placemen and pensioners, who have never performed any services at all; and who do not, because they cannot, pretend to have performed any. Without further preface, I insert the Speech, which will not fail to speak for itself.

"Sir; Indisposition has prevented me from submitting to the consideration of this House, those matters respecting which I had given notice, and the same cause has disabled me from paying that attention to the Navy Estimate, which I should have done, and which I might have done, had this Estimate, completed in Feb. 7, been printed and delivered to us in proper time, instead of a few days ago, for which, however, I suppose, there was some weighty reason. Notwithstanding these disadvantages, enough will probably ap pear, to shew the nature of the thing, and first, as to the manifest injustice of the Pension List.-An Admiral, worn out in the Service, is superannuated at 410 a year, a Captain of the Navy at 2191; while the Clerk of the Ticket Office retires on 700.-The Widow of Admiral Sir Andrew Mitchell has one third of the allowance to the widow of a Commissioner of the Navy.—Martha, Widow of Admiral Bourmaster, 751.; Mary Hammond, a Commissioner's widow, 3007. Elizabeth, Widow of Captain Blake, 607.; Elizabeth, Widow of Commissioner Lane, 3001-Four Daughters of the gallant Captain Courtenay, 121. 10s. each; Daughter of Admiral Sir Andrew. Mitchell, 251.; Two Daughters of Admiral Epworth, 251. each; Daughter of Admiral Keppel, 251.; Elizabeth, daugh ter of Captain Mann, who was killed in action, 251.; four Children of Admiral Moriarty, 25l. each. Thus 13 daugh-i ters of Admirals or Captains, several of! whose Fathers fell in the Service of the Country, receive from the gratitude of the Nation a sum less than Dame Mary Saxton, the Widow of a Commissioner.This Pension List is not formed on comparative Rank or Merit, length of services, or any rational principle, but ap pears to be dependant on Parliamentary influence alone; for Lieutenant Ellison, who lost his arm, is allowed 91 7. 5s.; and Captain Johnson, who lost his arm, has only 45 l. 12s. 6d. Lieutenant Arden, who lost his arm, has 911. 5s.; Lieutenant Campbell, lost his leg, has 40 l; and poor Lieutenant Chambers, who lost both his legs, has only 30l. while Sir A.

some savings worthy attention.- -The Canvas Department (though by no means free) yet, least supported by political influence, is probably, that in which the abuses might be most easily corrected. I will undertake to prove that, by adopting canvas of a better quality, a saving equal to one-fourth of the British Navy may be made-a saving, equal to the additional income tax imposed by the Whigs. The remaining three-fourths of the ships will be more effectual than the whole, their velocity will be increased upwards of half a mile in seven miles; and thus every one will be enabled to capture those vessels which at present escape from them all; as beside its bad quality, the enemy know our Ships of War from foreign Ships by the colour of the canvas, consequently run away the moment they perceive our black sails rising above the horizon; a circumstance to which they generally owe their safety, even more than to its open texture. I have ob served the meridian altitude of the sun through the fore topsail, and by bringing it to the horizon through the foresail, ascertained the latitude as correctly as otherwise I could have done. Any man who knows black from white can distinguish the difference, as you will perceive by the colour of the samples which I now shew you.This (the white) is used by the Spaniards, Portuguese, Dutch, Russian, Danish, American, in fact by all ships except ours. The difference of price has been stated as an object, (contemptible idea!) The paltry increase of cost will be more than compensated by the superior wear of the canvas, independent of its strength, on which, consequently, depends the safety of the ship, and the preservation of the lives of all on board. I shall, no doubt, hear it urged, that a remedy is about to be applied; and so it has been ever since I can remember: but remedies and redress at Public Boards are sought in vain; and so it is with respect to the hardships noticed by an Honourable Admiral, imposed on old and wounded sailors by the Harbour duty; which is justly considered by them as oppressive in the highest degree, more grievous than all the other hardships to which they are subject. Should the latter days of a life,

in the service of the Country, be th. sovrest duty is imja vel, and side tir, vach peales und in she trored Men 6224dal to the wall? Ole person who contulics for

its continuance says it is a laborious duty, and must be executed. This reason is conclusive, in my mind, why it should not be imposed on those, whose infirmities have rendered them unequal to the task. No good conduct, or character from his Captain, can, under the present system, free an old seaman from this misery. I well remember the sad case of William Farley, an infirm petty Officer; a man of respectable character, in my own ship, who, I think, had been in 13 general actions, and about 20 years in the service; he was sent to be invalided, that, by a change, his impaired health might be restored, and that he might pass bis latter days in peace. He was condemned to harbour duty, but obtained leave to return to his ship. After a time, being still unable to do the smallest duty in the ship, he was again surveyed: the same decision passed. Whether this happened a third time, I do not recollect; but of this I am certain, that he died on board off Brest. My Gunner's mate (I think his name was Ford) was invalided too for this heartbreaking service, and such was his abhorrence of it, that, by permission of the Lords of the Admiralty, he procured two substitutes, who cost him 901. a sum equal to all that with the greatest œconomy he could save in ten years from his pay. Is such a recompence for services? If meant as a benefit, as asserted by one officer, it should be optional and not compulsive. If grievances exist, they should be examined into and redressed, that is the mode to prevent bad consequences or complaints. We have heard much about "deluding" the public; an unfounded statement can injure only the individual who makes it. These subjects are worthy of being examined by a Committee of the House, or a deputation; such as was ordered lately to Sombrero.-Although perhaps not immediately arising out of that part of the Naval Estimate, which is before us, I may be permitted to ask why are not the Ships abroad paid, as well as the Army? What inconvenience would result? We scruple not to export large sums for other purposes, less beneficial to the Country than the exertions of our Seamen, whose money is annually included in the Naval Estimate, although it is not paid to them.-The Petty Officers and Seamen in the East and West Indies, Cape of Good Hope, Mediterranean, Amecica, in fact, every where abroad, do not receive one shilling of pay until they are