permitted to return to England, often after an absence of twelve or fifteen years! The Boston's crew, who formed one half of my Ship's Company, joined the Pallas with nine years pay due, although the Boston had been all that time within about fourteen days sail of England! I should like to know where all this money is lodged?" Now, what answer will be given to this? What will Corruption say in answer to it? Why, that Lord Cochrane is "a demagogue;" and will coolly add, that if we do not like this, we must have Buonaparte. This is what the corrupt will say in answer to him. They cannot deny the facts; they cannot justify any part of the acts; but, relying upon the cowardice of the public, they will brazen the thing out in the manner I have stated. The hirelings of corruption, when you drive them up into a corner, are always sure to resort to their old threat about Buonaparté. They fight you, first, in all manner of ways. They scratch, kick, bite and spit; and, when nothing will avail; when they find that they must go; "well, then," say they," you shall have Buonaparté! You shall get nothing by the change at any rate. Let any one look into the publications of the boroughmongers and of their hirelings, for years past, and especially since the month of March, 1809, when exposure became more efficient than theretofore, and he will find that this has been their constant practice. And, very far am I from believing, that they are not in earnest. I have not the smallest doubt, that, if the letting in of Buonaparté depended upon them, they would not hesitate a moment to let him in rather than see the people of England in possession of the right of choosing freely the members to serve in the parliament. This is my real opinion, and it long has been my opinion. The sort of persons, whom I have mentioned, and whom the reader need not have more fully described, know very well, that they cannot exist out of corruption. They are vermin who must live in corruption, or who must instantly die; and, they suppose, not without good reason, that Buonaparté would use corruption, and, of course, that he would not dislike them. No love of country have they. They love the good things that are produced in it by the labour of others; but, as to the independence, the character, the renown of England, and as to the liberties and happi ness of the great body of the people, they are thoughts which never enter their minds. Theirs is a dry calculation of profit and loss; and, as Buonaparté would give them a much better chance of gain than they would have under a change such as a " demagogue" like Lord Cochrane would introduce if he could, they certainly would prefer the former. This is something well worthy of the serious consideration of the good and sound part of the nation. The miscreants, who, in Spain, sold themselves to Buonaparte, and who are now in the service of his brother, were not less loud against "demagogues " and anarchists" than the borough-mongers and their hirelings in England now are. In Spain those who railed against anarchists were the very first to join the foreign invader; nay they invited him to invade their country; they actually sold it to him; and my real opinion is, that the boroughmongers and their hirelings would, if hard pushed, attempt to do the same here, though, I trust, that any such attempt would be frustrated. The sum of what I think, upon this subject is this: that the boroughmongers, and the public-robbers of every size and description, if they saw a change approaching that would put an end to their trade, would, if they had it in their power, gladly make a bargain with Buonaparté and betray the country into his hands, rather than see that change take place.— Against this, therefore, it is the interest of both king and people to be upon theirguard. Look at Spain. There is an awful example for us. There the Robbers saw, that the people must become free; that a reform in the government must take place; they saw no way of avoiding this, which they well knew would put an end to their power of plundering, and might, perhaps, compel them to disgorge: they saw no way of prolonging the reign of corruption other than that of betraying their country into the hands of Buonaparté; and this they did. The same has, in reality, though not in a manner quite so open, been done in other countries. There has, every where, all over the continent of Europe, been a struggle between the people and those who wronged them. The people have complained and have proved their complaints to be well-founded They have been answered by a cusations of disaffection, disloyalty, jacobinica. conspiracy, and the li. The people have become enraged and have acted accordingly. They have been dealt with as insurgents, | ficking in seats in that Honourable House. traitors, and rebels. The French have The Major is speaking of what the House approached, and, at any rate, tendered did upon that occasion; he is speaking of the people a change, which it was impos- what the Honourable House did when that sible should be for the worse. The thing breach of privilege was offered to be here came to a point: the dispute was re- proved at the bar; he was speaking of duced to the simple question, whether the what the Honourable House did when people should have their grievances redressed, proof was offered of that breach of privior the country should be delivered up to the lege, and comparing what they then did enemy; and, in every case, the latter has with what they have now done in the been preferred. This is the true cause of case of Sir Francis Burdett; and, he conthe successes and the conquests of France. cluded by saying, that the Honourable God avert the effects of such a cause from House's conduct was "flagrantly unjust and English ground! "past endurance." Reader, was this true, or was it not?But, let us, more fully, renew the statement of the transactions of the night of the memorable 11th and 12th of May, in the blessed year of JubiThey are fully recorded in the XVth Volume of the Register, at page 737, and the following ones; but, it is good to restate the pith of them here.There were 395 members present. MR. MADOCKS first moved to have read, from the Journals, a resolution passed by the House in the year 1779, and which was read in the following words :"That it is highly criminal for any mi"nister or ministers, or any other servant "of the crown in Great Britain, directly or indirectly, to make use of the power "of his office, in order to influence the "election of members of parliament, and "that an attempt to exercise that influ "ence is an attack upon the dignity, the "honour, and the independence of par MAJOR CARTWRIGHT'S PETITION.-On the 13th instant a petition was presented to the Honourable House, by Mr. Whitbread, on the behalf, and signed with the name of this veteran in the cause of Eng-lee. lish liberty. It was not suffered to lie on the Table; that is to say, it was not received. The objections made to it by MR. PERCEVAL (and which objections were sanctioned by the votes of a very decided majority of the Honourable House) were, first as to the language, and next as to the length, of the petition. He said, that "from the great mass of matter which "the petition contained, he had selected "one or two passages, which, in his opi“nion, rendered it unfit for the House to "receive. He then noticed two passages: "the first, in which the House was ac"cused of a flagrant injustice, past en"durance, as an outrage upon an English"man;' and the other stating that of "the illegality of their proceedings, the petitioner conceived there could be but one opinion.' For these, among many "others, be thought the House must reject the petrin, if they were not content to be accused of Aagrant injustice, « beyond endurance,' and to be told that "there could be but one opinion of the "i yakity of their proceedings.' He also noticed the extreme length of the paper "from a single individual, not as an ob"jection to receiving it, but to shew <inconveniert it would be to load how "their Journals, by encouraging such "folios."Now, as to the language, let us see what it was that the Major calied "flagrant injustice, pust endurance." He is speaking of the memorable transactions liament, an infringement of the rights "and liberties of the people, and an at"tempt to sap the basis of our free and "happy constitution."Here it was declared; here it was upon the Journals of the Honourable House; here it was laid down as a rule, that for a minister or servant of the king to interfere with the election of members of the House, was, and should be considered as, an “ attack upon "the dignity, the honour, and the indepen "dence of parliament, an infringement of "the rights and liberties of the people, "and an attempt to sup the basis of our free " and happy constitution." Well, then, if it could be proved, that such an act had been committed, could any one have believed, that the Honourable House would pass the thing over?--But, as if the principle had not been clearly enough established by this Resolution; or, as if thirty years was too long for a resolution to preserve its force, Mr. Madocks appealed to a resolution that had been passed by the Honourable House only 16 days before," ingly. To this transaction I charge the` in the case of Lord Castlereagh, who had " right honourable gentleman, Mr. Percebeen proved to have offered a Writership "val, as being privy, and having connived in the way of exchange, or swap, as the "at it. This I will engage to prove jockies call it, for a seat or vote in the "by witnesses at your bar, if the House Honourable House. The Resolution, pass- "will give me leave to call them."ed upon that occasion, was in the following What did the Honourable House now words:"That while it was the bounden do? Mr. Madocks made a motion for duty of that House to maintain at all times an Inquiry into the matter, and for the "a jealous guard upon its purity, and not to calling of witnesses to prove the truth of "suffer any attempt upon its privileges to his allegations. How did the Honourable "pass unnoticed, the attempt in the pre- House dispose of that motion? Surely, "sent instance (that of Lord Castlereagh they called witnesses to the bar? Surely "and Mr. Reding) not having been car- after their resolution, just read to them "ried into effect, that House did not think by their clerks, they did not refuse to in"it then necessary to proceed to any cri- quire? Yes, they did. But, upon what "minatory Resolutions respecting the ground? Why, that it was time to make a "same."--Now, here was the Honour- stand against popular encroachment! To able House, only on the 25th of April pre- call for an inquiry into the selling of a ceding; only 16 days before, solemnly seat in parliament and the taking of the seat declaring, that it was its bounden duty to back because the holder would not vote as they maintain at all times a jealous watch over its wished him; to call for inquiry into acts purity; and declaring, that Lord Castle- like these, alledged against the king's reagh was not proceeded against criminally, ministers, was termed popular encroachment; only because he had not completed the act to call for inquiry into charges of the he attempted to commit.This the most serious nature, into acts which the House, in formal resolution declared, and House itself had solemnly declared to be placed upon its Journals, on the 25th of an attack upon its dignity, its honour, and April, preceding the day when Mr. its independence, and an attempt to sap the Madocks made his motion. The reason, basis of the constitution; to call for, to ask indeed, for the House not proceeding to for, to move for merely an inquiry into punishment of LORD CASTLEREAGH is such acts of this very description was, by the as, perhaps, never was heard of before in members of this very House, denominated the world; but, at any rate, the House, popular encroachment, and to make a stand the Honourable House did solemnly de-against which both parties joined. Not clare, that it was its bounden duty to maintain, at all times, a jealous watch over its purity; and this declaration it made on the 25th day of April.---Very well, then, said Mr. Madocks. I will put these resolutions and declarations; I will put these solemnly-recorded resolutions to the test. -On the 11th of May, therefore, he came to the House, agreeably to notice, and rose in his place and said :——" I "affirm, then, that Mr. Dick purchased a "Seat in the House of Commons for the bo"rough of Cashel, through the agency of "the Honourable Henry Wellesley, who "acted for, and on behalf of, the Trea"sury; that, upon a recent question of the "last importance, when Mr. Dick had de"termined to vote according to his con"science, the noble lord, Castlereagh, did "intimate to that gentleman the necessity "of either his voting with the government, "or resigning his Seat in that House; and "that Mr. Dick, sooner than vote against "principle, did make choice of the latter "alternative, and vacate his seat accord a word was said in the way of denying the charge. Not a syllable in the way of doubting the truth of the allegations. But, instead of such denial; and instead of attempting to reconcile the proceeding with the solemn resolutions just read to them, the Honourable House, after many of its members, on both sides, had imputed the motion of Mr. Madocks to factious mo│tives, determined, 310 to 85, that they would SUFFER NO INQUIRY INTO THE MATTER. In less than a year from that day, this same House send Mr. Gale Jones to jail for having said that an act of one of their members was an outrage upon public feeling; and, with the aid of the army, they sent Sir Francis Burdett to the Tower for publishing an Address to his Constituents, stating his reasons for believing, that the commitment of Mr. Jones was illegal; and, at the time that they do these things, Mr. HENRY WELLESLEY is promoted to the rank of Embassador; this Mr. Henry Wellesley, one of the persons accused by Mr. Ma not, however, have mentioned this speech here, had it not been for the purpose of pointing the attention of my readers to the answer of PUBLICOLA, published in the TIMES of the 17th instant, and inserted in another part of this Number. It is truly gratifying, at a crisis like the present, to see a man like LORD ERSKINE standing forward in the manner that be has. His Speech in the House of Lords has produced a wonderful effect on the public mind, and must be attended with lasting consequences of the greatest importance. There is, perhaps, if we consider his Lordship's connections, and those ties which naturally bind a man in a similar situation, not an instance to be quoted, in which a part more truly noble has been acted. -There is a COUNTER DECLARATIONS.Counter-Declaration on foot, I perceive, by certain persons in Middlesex, styling themselves " Loyal and independent Free"holders.' -A most humourous ac دو decks, is the representative of the king, in Spain; and Mr. SPENCER PERCEVAL, another of the persons accused by Mr. Madocks is (by promotion since the accusation) become the king's prime minister, supported and approved of in all his measures, not excepting the Walcheren expedition and sending of Sir Francis Burdett to the Tower, by a decided Majority of the Honourable House. -Such was the case; such is a plain statement of the case, to which MAJOR CARTWRIGHT refers in his petition, and, in speaking of which, he uses the words objected to by Mr. Perceval, objected to by that very same Mr. Perceval, whom Mr. Madocks accused, and into whose conduct the House refused to inquire! Whether the words objected to were too strong, or not strong enough, I shall now leave the reader to determine, and add a remark or two of a more general nature. The right of petition makes an article in the Bill of Rights, and which right has been very much talked of in-count has been published of the meeting, deed. Great importance is given to this or rather, attempt at meeting, of these inright; and, though ridiculed by PAINE in dependent people, the truth of whose dea most cutting manner, has still been re- claration will be easily judged of from garded as something of real value to the the facts, that the Chairman is fastened people. But, if this new doctrine of Mr. upon the country in a pension of 5001. a Perceval becomes current, what will this year. The signers (about 30 or 40 in right be good for? A petition may, it number) are strangers to me, all but one, seems, be rejected on account of its being and that one, named JoHN GIFFORD (fortoo long; and, of course, it may on ac- merly Green) is independent enough to be count of its being too short. It may be a police magistrate, with a salary of 500l. a rejected because it complains of the in- year (I believe it is) held during pleasure. justice of the House and of the illegality of Whether he has any pension now, in adits proceedings. In the debate upon the dition to this, I know not; but, I know he Petition of the Livery of London, Mr. Per- had such pension but a few years ago, and ceval expressed his resolution to face any I make no doubt that he has it still. These discontented petitioners. So, then, the are pretty good specimens of the indepenright of petition," it seems; this famous dence of these people; and, I dare say, that right, is, at last, reduced to this; that we their loyalty is exactly of the same stamp. have a right to express our contentedness as To make this List complete, there wants often as we please; and that we have, in nothing but the name of JOHN BOWLES; and some cases, even a right to complain, but on it that name would have been, had not only in such language and at such length.as the little accident of last year taken place. shall be approved of by those, of whose acts we "The Flemish account of Commissioners have to complain! This is a most precious Dutch." But, really, John is wronged. right, indeed! In short, it is neither more He is just as good as any other one of the nor less than the "right" of crying! set. They are all as loyal and as independent as John; and not a bit more so.--Now, these, and such as these, are the enemies of a parliamentary reform, and no other part of the people. It is very natural, that they should be so. Eut, if it be natural, that they should like to live upon us, it is, on the other hand, quite as natural that we should like to shake them off if possible, and as soon as possible. No man likes to " -A ACTION AGAINST THE SPEAKER.debate upon the subject of the Speaker's pleading to the action brought against him by Sir Francis Burdett gave rise to a speech from Mr. PONSONBY, which has very clearly proved, that there is no difference at all in the opinions and view of the two sides of the Honourable House, as to this great public question. I should "who wish you to return to your proper. "home; to the sphere of your duty, to "the post of your honour, to the mansion "house of all genuine, serene, and solid "satisfaction.- -Let us free ourselves at "once from every thing that can increase "their suspicions, and inflame their just "resentment.- -Let the Commons in parliament assembled, be one and the "same thing with the Commons at large. -Let us give a faithful pledge to the people that we honour, indeed, the keep another, except he be a relation ; and I am pretty sure, that none of these abhorrers are related to me. -The abhorrers would gladly conjure up a Jacobin Plot. Why do they not advertise for one? There are always enterprizing people to be had, such as MEHEE DE LA TOUCHE and the COUNT DE KOLLI, of whose adventures the French have given us so whimsical an ac-. count. This is a desperate case this total absence of the means of conjuring up a conspiracy." Alarming" indeed! What is there to excite alarm in the conduct of" crown; but that we belong to them; the people? What are the dangerous "that we are their auxiliaries, and not principles" that have been broached? "their task-masters; the fellow-labourers Is it dangerous to pray for the adherence "in the same vineyard, not LORDING over "their rights, but helpers of their joy." το -The same advice will every wise man now give. The people do, and must, bear heavy burdens; and it is right, that every thing that can be done, should be done, to convince them, that not a shilling of their money is taken from them unnecessarily. The whole of the discontents might be put an end to in a moment by a resolution, on the part of the House, that they would, at a time fixed, take into their impartial consideration the question of Reform. This done, there would be no necessity for the miserable tricks, now playing off by wretched instruments, such as we have seen assembling in dark holes in the City and in Middlesex, whose proceedings cannot fail to add to the prevail WM. COBBETT. Botley, May 17, 1810.. Magna Charta and the Law of the "Land?" Is this dangerous? Sir Francis Burdett asks for that expressly; and as to Reform, what does he ask for but that the people should be represented in parliament, and, in truth, as well, as in words, taxed by their own consent? What do the people ask for other than that which the Great Lord Chatham, Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Grey, have contended to be absolutely necessary to prevent the total annihilation of the liberties of England? What do they ask for more than Lord Erskine now declares to be necessary to our salvation ?-It is a foul calumny to say, that the people, who, from Penzance to Dover and from Weymouth to John a' Grot's House are exclaiming "BURDETT FOR EVER!" it is a foul calumny to say, that they wishing discontent and irritation. for any thing injurious to the dignity of either the Crown or the Parliament. The present ferment has arisen out of no plot; out of no combination; out of no premedituted scheme. It has arisen, by accident, out of the Walcheren expedition and the exclusion of the people from the Gallery, during the Inquiry into the planning and conducting of that fatal measure. That the people are out of humour with the House is certain; but, with whom did the condemnation of the conduct of that House originate? Why, with those who were defeated in the divisions in the House. With those who called the ministers the "Demon of England;" with those who said, that, if the House continued to support such ministers, "the greatest calamity "the nation could endure was such a House " of Commons." There are none of the Petitioners who have gone this length. Why, then, are the people to be blamed? "They who," said Mr. Burke, addressing the House of Commons, "call upon you to belong wholly to the people, are those COBBETT'S COMPLETE COLLECTION OF State Trials: The EIGHTEENTH PART of the above Work will be published on the 1st of June. One Part will appear, with the greatest regularity, on the first of each succeeding month. Subscribers who purchase the Work in Quarterly Volumes are respectfully informed that the Sixth Volume will be ready for delivery on the first of June. Of the Two HUNDRED and FORTY-TWO Trials or Proceedings, of which the first six Volumes consist, ONE-HUNDRED and TEN never before came into any Collection. The following is a List of the Articles contained in the Sixth Volume: |