66 I have a right to the article from f. 1 to f. 12." Another would exclaim, "do not presume to meddle with the article from f. 18 to f. 26;" and a third would inform him, " from f. 64 to f. 72 is mine;" so that, amidst the multitude of claimants, the person who had called for the volume would perhaps be allowed free permission to extract the table of contents at the end! But it would be as preposterous as such a regulation, to enter into any further discussion in proof of its folly, whilst, if it were possible to act upon it, it would be an absolute prohibition to all research. Here, however, we take leave to repeat the protest which the individual alluded to made to the doctrine. We thus publicly question the authority by which the head librarian of the Bodleian presumes to lay down, much less to act upon, so silly a principle; and we hope that this notice of the subject may either induce the author of the law to rescind it, or that his superiors, if he has any, will save him that trouble. By adopting it, we believe he has exceeded his power: we are quite sure he has attempted a serious injury to historical literature, and trespassed not a little upon common sense, and the spirit and feelings of the age in which we live. Of the Ashmolean library, we are happy to bear testimony to the convenience with which the MSS. in it may be consulted. We do not speak with the merited severity, perhaps, of the contemptible sixpenny tax, which is laid on extracts, because, in the present lamentable state of the libraries at the Universities, who would not prefer paying divers sixpences, to encountering the miseries by which such researches as those in Corpus Christi library for example are attended? Leaving until another occasion an account of the libraries at Cambridge, we shall conclude the present article with a few words on the archiepiscopal library at Lambeth Palace; but as the subject is one of much importance, as the abuses are so enormous, and the restrictions which, though sometimes ridiculous in themselves, and at variance with the virtual intentions of the founders, always tend, in a greater or less degree, to impede investigations, we shall return to it at our earliest convenience; and, in the mean time, entreat for information by means of which those abuses may be the more signally exposed. The writer in the Westminster Review, from many of whose remarks we are compelled to dissent, has truly said, that the library at Lambeth Palace is of great value; but we were not aware that the difficulty of access was so great as he has described it. The obstacles, nevertheless, are sufficiently serious to prevent its being of much practical service. Upon one day in the week, Mondays, we believe, it may be consulted for about two hours, provided application be previously made to the librarian. When admitted, the civility which the stranger receives is certainly as much as could be expected in such a place; but there are local nuisances which tend as effectually to keep people on the outside of its walls as its possessor can possibly desire. The rooms in which the library is preserved are, without exception, the most wretched that can be conceived, and in winter, the cold is insupportable. Few besides Captain Parry and his crew could, from November to April, avail themselves of the two hours a week in which it may be used; hence the utmost liberality might then be pretended, without the slightest chance of its being profited by. The present archbishop of Canterbury has, however, performed one service to the library about which he has incurred so much obloquy. His grace has judiciously caused a catalogue of its contents to be printed; but perhaps thinking that if it was to be easily procured, it might increase the number of petitioners for admission, not a copy can be purchased; and the only ones circulated were sent to a very few public libraries. The Museum has one, and there is another in the Bodleian; but we never saw a third. So rigidly are they concealed from the world, that we have been told the far greater part of a very small impression remains in his grace's possession. The library of the College of Arms does not contain a copy, nor, we believe, was a respectful application for one honoured with the courtesy of a reply. ORIGINAL LETTERS. THE letters from Charles the First and his son James Duke of York, afterwards James the Second, are so numerous, and are scattered in so many volumes, that although those which we are about to insert have been copied from the originals in the possession of Lady Grey of Ramsgate, and are presumed to have been hitherto inedited, we by no means take upon us to assert that they have never before been printed. Those from Charles the First were both addressed to his only sister, Elizabeth, wife of the Count Palatine of the Rhine, and King of Bohemia: the first was written a few months after her marriage, and the second in 1638; but the latter only is remarkable for the subjects mentioned in it, the former being a mere note, to assure her of his affectionate remembrance. Although the Duke of York's letter does not contain the date of the year, it is certain, from internal evidence, that it was written in August, 1649, the exiled monarch having about that time left VOL. I.-PART II. U Holland. He was received at Compeigne by the King of France, who accompanied him to Paris 1. TO MY DEERE SISTER. My most deere Sister I am so surprysed by the suddaine departure of this Gentillman that I can skersly wreat, and thairfore I hope you will excuse me that I wreat these fewe lynes. Complements ar unnecessarie betuene you and me: assure your selfe I shall ever indevour my self to be approved My most deer Sister Your most affectioned Brother CHARLES R. Richmont the 30 of August 1613. My onlie deare Sister I shall onlie name those things that I have intrustred this bearer with (his haste requyring shortnes, and his fidelitie meriting trust) First concerning the liquidation of accounts betweene me and the King of Denmarke: then concerning a mache with Swede; but of this littel hope: lastlie of a mache for your sone Robert 2: If he say anie thing else in my name, I shall desyer you to trust to his honestie, and not to my memorie: and so I rest Whythall the 8 of May 1638. Your loving Brother to serve you FOR MY DEARE AUNT THE QUEENE OF BOHEMIA. MADAM, Paris: Agu: 28: I beleve befor this you will have heard of the Kings having sent for me to come to him befor this, so that I am now puting myself in the best readiness I can to begin my journay and I beleve I shall be go from hence befor I can have an answer to this letter so that I beleve Brugges will be the first place your Ma" letters will find me at. I am going morrow to the court which is at Compiegne for two or three days at which place they intend to receve the Queene of Swede who will not be here till the begining of the next month: you will have already heard of the surrender of Conde to Don John so that I will say nothing of the particulars of their capitulasion nor of the newse of 1 Baker's Chronicle. 2 Her son Rupert must be meant, as she had no child of the name of Robert. He is well known in English history as Prince Rupert, and was created Duke of Cumberland in this country: he died unmarried in November, 1682. 3 This letter is neither addressed nor sealed. the army because you know them es sone as we here: this is all I have to say for the present, but that I shall ever bee Madam, Your Maty most affectionate Nephew and most Since I had wrote this letter I recevd your May by M. Seigtate. JAMES. The following narrative of the conduct of Francis Corker during the civil wars, and under the Protectorate, is an excessively interesting piece of autobiography. His services and sufferings in the royal cause, and his subsequent connexion with Cromwell, are told with a naivetè which impresses on his readers a conviction of the truth of his tale. The fact which he urges, that whilst an agent of the Protector's, he never betrayed more than five persons, though he had the opportunity of betraying five hundred, is amusing; but there is certainly some merit in not committing all the evil which may be in our power. His assertion, that he made a point of having as little communication as possible with the Cavaliers, because he might not be tempted to reveal what he heard, and the admission that at the same moment in which he was employed by Cromwell, he was treacherous to him, are singularly deserving of attention, as a cowardly attempt to interpret actions which were opposed to the interests of the King, into evidence of having promoted them. This contemptible casuistry was, unfortunately, characteristic of the period; and is exhibited in the most broad and disgusting colours in the documents preserved in the State Paper Office, relative to the compounders for their estates. These "Cavaliers," in innumerable instances, acted upon the policy adopted by Corker; for we find them constantly stating, that though they held the towns or garrisons intrusted to them by the King, it was only with the view of retaining them for the Parliament. The papers in question merit infinitely more attention from historians than they have received, for they are striking specimens of the disregard of truth and honour, which so many of these compounders exhibited; and almost justified the neglect with which Charles the Second treated them after his restoration. Moreover those documents abound in facts illustrative of the history of that age, and are invaluable to the biographer, from the particulars they contain of the private affairs of some of the most celebrated persons of the times. But a still more flagrant proof of the utter want of all moral feeling is exhibited by Corker's letter. Gardiner, of whom he speaks, was arrested in 1657, upon suspicion of intending to murder the Protector, a circumstance which does not appear to be noticed by Whitelock or other writers on the commonwealth, but which is proved by the examinations of Gardiner, dated on the 6th August, 1657, and of a man and his wife with whom he had lodged, which are printed among Thurloe's State Papers1. Whether he was afterwards discharged as innocent, for the facts stated in that evidence scarcely amounted even to a presumption of guilt, or whether severe measures were taken respecting him, has not been ascertained. If Corker's statement is to be believed, Gardiner was not unjustly suspected; and we find this man, this clergyman, not merely admitting that he was privy to, and concealed, a plot to assassinate, but boasting that he wished to have joined in it; and, it would seem from his account, that he had used every means in his power to get access to Cromwell's person, leaving the diabolical object to be inferred. It is doubtful, however, if he was quite so great a scoundrel as he paints himself; but it overwhelming evidence of the depravity of the times, when such a confession could insure the royal favour; for that Corker's petition was successful is certain, as, three days after the date of it, Sir John Robinson received an order from the Privy Council for his discharge. He recovered possession of his vicarage, which he held until his death in March, 1666. A letter of information from him occurs in the collection of Secretary Thurloe's State Papers. TO THE HONble. SIR JOHN ROBINSON K. AND BAR', LEIFTENANT OF Right ho❜ble, THE TOWER OF LONDON. Although I can plead nothing as to my justification, yet I suppose a true narrative of my condition may move compassion in some, tho' it deserve indignation from all. About the beginning of these unhappy tymes, I was presented to the Vicarage of Bradford, in Yorkshire, by his late Majestie of blessed memorye; which, as itt was a place very full and populous, soe very factious and seditious, yet I prevailed with the best part of them (although not the greatest) to hold fast their allegiance; but at last being overpowered with number, both they and I were enforced to betake ourselves to his Majestie's army and garrisons in the North, wherein how I behaved myself I leave to the testimonie of my very enemies; yet being putt upon this necessitie, I believe I may compare both my actings and sufferings with the most of my condition in England. I have been in 6 or 7 several battles, besides many other skirmishes and parties, where I hazarded myself freely in his Majestie's just quarrel. I took several prisoners, for whom were exchanged some considerable officers belonging to his Majestie, as Colonel Gilbye and others. I was sent from Pontefract Castle to Oxford, through the Parliament's garrisons, to procure releife for that place, which was happily effected by Sir Marmaduke 1 Vol. vi. pp. 441, 442. 447. |