AMERICAN DOCUMENTS, As our justment of the differences subsisting between the Government has not thought is expedi- two States, with an earnest desire on their part to ent, like the free Government of America, bring them to a favourable issue, upon principles of to publish any part of the proceedings perfect reciprocity, not inconsistent with the estab at Ghent, and as the American newspa-lished maximus of public law, and with the maritime pers have not, since the commencement rights of the British Empire. This fact alone of the war, been delivered regularly on might suffice to shew, that it ought not to have their arrival in this country, I have been been expected that the American Government, i under the necessity of laying the official acceding to this proposition, should have extended documents before my readers as they its terms, and furnished the undersigned with inreached me, without any regard to the structions authorising them to treat with the British order of their dates. This irregularity Plenipotentiaries respecting Indians situated within has occasioned a chasm in the publication the boundaries of the United States. That such of these documents, which I intend to fill expectation was not entertained by the British Go up, as they arrive, in future numbers of vernment might also have been inferred from the exthe Register. It may be thought, that plicit assurances which the British Plenipotentiaries as the war is at end, the proceedings at gave, on the part of their Government at the first Ghent have now lost all their interest. conference which the undersigned had the honour To me, however, who regard that war, of holding with then, that no events, subsequent its causes, the wonderful events that took to the first proposal for this negotiation, had, in place during its continuance, and the con- any manner, varied either the disposition of the sequences it must produce, as the most British Government, that it might terminate in a astonishing occurrences recorded in his-pease honourable to both parties, or the terms upon tory, and as of the greatest importance to the cause of freedom, and the happiness of the human race. To me, who contemplate the subject in this light, no official document, however minute, that bears any reference to this glorious ruggle, can appear of a trivial or uninTeresting nature; far less can I consider documents illustrative of the more important topics under the discussion of the parties, as undeserving of notice. The Ministers Plenipotentiary and traordinary of the United States to the Plenipotentiaries of his Britannic Majesty. which they would be willing to conclude it. It is well known that the differences which unhappily subsist between Great Britain and the United States, and which ultimately led to the present war, were wholly of a maritime nature, arising principally from the British Orders in Council, in relation to blockades, and from the impressment of mariners un hoard of American vessels. The boundary of the Indian territory had never been a subject of difference between the two countries. Neither the principles of reciprocity, the maxims of public law, nor the maritime rights of the British Empire could Ex-require the permanent establishment of such boundary. The novel pretension now advanced could no more have been anticipated by the Government of the United States, in forming instructions for this uegociation, than they seem to have been conteinplated by that of Great Britain in November last in proposing it. Lord Castlereagh's Note makes the termination of the war to depend on a conciliatory adjustment of the differences then subsisting between the two States, and on no other condition whatever. Nor could the American Government have foreseen that Great Britain, in order to obtain peace for the Indians, residing within the domi nions of the United States, whom she had indaced. to take part with her in the war, would demand that they should be made parties to the treaty between the two nations, or that the boundaries of their lands should be permanently and irrevocably fixed by that treaty. Such a proposition is contrary to (To be continued.) "Ghent, Aug. 24, 1814. "The undersigned, Ministers Plenipotentiary and Extraordinary from the United States of America, have given to the official Note which they have had the honour of receiving from his Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiaries the deliberate attention which the importance of its contents required, and have now that of transmitting to them their answer on the several points to which it refers. They would present to the consideration of the British Plenipotentiaries, that Lord Castlereagh, in his letter of the 4th of November, 1813, to the American Secretary of State, pledges the faith of the British Government, that they were willing to enter into discussion with the Government of America for the conciliatory ad Printed and Published by G. HOUSTON: No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the Editor are requested to be forwarded. VOL. XXVII. No. 6.] LONDON, SATURDAY, FEB. 11, 1815. TO THE PEOPLE OF HAMPSHIRE. [Price 1s. [162 have fallen in price a full third, if not The AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY," who hold their meetings at Winchester, have framed a PETITION to Parliament for a Corn Bill; that is to say, for some law to prevent corn from being brought from a ad, until the price of English corn, is higher than it now is; or, in other words, a law to make corn dearer than it now is. This Petition they have published in the County papers, and, it appears, that they have sent blank Petitions to the several Market-towns in the County, there to be signed, for the purpose of being presented all together.For the greater part of the gentlemen, who have adopted this measure, I en tertain respect; and those whom I do not know, are, I presume, equally entitled to the respect of their several neighbours. The motives, too, of these gentlemen, I suppose to be laudable. But, I am convinced, that they have taken an erroneous view of the matter, and that the measure they recommend would be injurious to the people at large and to land-owners and occupiers themselves. Therefore, if any sufficient number of persons are wilg to stand forward in opposition to the above-mentioned petition, by the means of an open Meeting of the County, I shall be happy to join in such opposition.-In making, however, this proposition, it will be justly demandof me that I state the reasons, on which the opposition is to be founded; and this I shall now do in as clear a I am able consistent with brevity. The Petition states, that all the expences of a farm are nearly as high as ever, and that the taxes are full as high. The latter is correct; the former is not. Our wages at Botley were from 15s, to 18s. a week: they are now from 10s. to 12s. a week. Bricklayers, Carpenters, Smiths, Wheelwrights, have all come down one fourth in their prices. Horses manner as with the price of corn, seeing that the The latter must keep pace tythe owner always takes his tenth, and, as to the rent, if the tenant has now whether it be of cheap corn or dear corn; the worst of it, the landlord has had the worst of it, and will have the worst of it again if corn should become dear from causes other than bad seasons.--Besides, the real great cause of the present low prices, is, the three abundant and dry harvests which we have had in uninterrupted succession; for, though, in some parts, the wheat was much blighted last year, the deficiency of crop, was far from being general, and it was the wheat only that was not a most abundant crop quantity on hand of the crop of the year and of that grain there was a prodigious before. Now, when a farmer grows five quarters upon an acre, is it reasonable. for him to expect as high a price per quarter as when he grows two quarters and a half? Are not the five quarters at 40s. a quarter as good as two quarters and a half at 80s. a quarter?-The consequences of making corn dearer than it would be, are first, the making of all other food dearer; second, the ruin, in a short time, of many of our manu facturers, because it is impossible to believe that we could expect goods as cheap as those which would be made in countries where food is to be had for a third part of the price of that which would be eaten by our manufacturers, and amongst the articles of our manu facturers, the raw materials for many skins, flax, lead, iron, tin, copper and come from our own soil, as wool, coals; third, persons of fixed incomes, who well as employers of our tradesmen, would are great consumers of our produce as F tion. During the late war, several laws were passed restricting the liberty of the Press and of public discussion. I will join in no Petition, which does not include a prayer for the repeal of these laws, for a repeal of the Alien Act, and for a constitutional reform in the rep sentation of the people in the Commons House of Parliament. With those whe regard the Belly and the Purse, and are careless about their rights and liberties as Englishmen, I wish to have nothing to do. For the sufferings of such persons I have no compassion; and, indeed, the more they suffer the better I am pleased. To men of other minds I now address myself. It is inconvenient to most people to go to any particular place to sign a Requisition to the Sheriff; and, therefore, I publish the following Circular Requisition, in imitation of the Circular Petition of the Agricultural Society. This Requisition may be copied upon a sheet of paper and signed by as many persons, in any town or place, as choose to sign it. The paper, thus signed, may then be sent to me, at Botley near Southamp ton, before the 1st day of March; and, if I receive Requisitions, the signatures to the whole of which amount to one hundred, I will wait upon the Sheriff with them. If I do not, I shall have done my utmost in opposition to the Corn Bill; I shall leave the dear loaf and heavy taxes to jog quietly on together; and to hear the whinings and grumblings of those who feel the grievance, and yet want the spirit to use the lawful means of getting rid of it, will be an ample compensation to me for the-portion of the grievance that will fall to my lot. To the High Sheriff of the County of We, the undersigned Freeholders and other Landholders, Tradesmen and Manufacturers, of the County of Southampton, perceiving, that, in various parts of the Kingdom, evil disposed or misguided persons are endeavouring to prevail on the Legislature to impose duties on the Importation of Corn, and, being convinced, that such a measure would grievously oppress the labouring classes, would be ruinous to tradesmen and manufacturers, would, in the end, be injurious to the growers of corn and the owners of land themselves, ad might possibly disturb the peace of lis Majesty's Dominions, request tha you will be pleased to convene a Meeting of the County on a day as little distani as may be convenient, in order to take into consideration and to discuss the provriety of presenting a Petition to the two uses of Parliament, earnestly praying it no such measure may be adopted; and also praying for the repeal of laws, hostile to our rights and liberties, passed during the late war, and for a constitutional Reform in the Representation of the People in the Commons' House of Parliament. Date that, by an act, passed, in England, during the war against the French Republicans, and still in existence, any man who shall do what these American Writers and Printers are now doing, is liable to be hanged, have his head cut off, his bowels ripped out, his carcase quartered, his quarters placed at the disposal of the King, and his estates and property confiscated!--Fools! to pro claim such proofs of the difference of the two Governments! The act, to which I allude, says, that "if any person shall "attempt, by force or restraint, to com pel the king to change his measures or "counsels, or shall, in order to put any "force or restraint upon, or to intimidate, N. B. The letters, conveying the Re-or overawe, both Houses, or either quisitions must be post paid; as it is not feasonable that I should be put to any expence on account of it. No. II. AMERICA.-Proofs of the real freedom of her people.-Mr. Randolph's Letter.-Triumph of Republican principles. "House of parliament, or shall express "the same by publishing any printing, or writing, or by any other overt act, 66 every such person shall be deemed a "TRAITOR."- Now, this is what is doing daily through the press of America, where some of the Printers are actually advising the people to resist the laws of the Congress by force of arms, and to compel the Congress and President to do what these writers say is for the good of the Our Newspapers take infinite delight country. So far are these writers and prin in speaking of the Hertford Congress, ters from apprehending any danger from the Maryland Resolutions, &c. which such conduct, that they complain that they indicate a disposition in part of the peo-produce no effect by their labours. Mr. ple of America to resist those laws, passed Madison and the Congress let thèm alone. by 'the Congress, which they deem op If the people chose to resist; why, it is pressive, and they found this projected the people's affair; the measures and resistance upon the old principle, that counsels must be changed, and all is resistance of oppression is a RIGHT quiet again. There can be no danger to inherent in freemen.-Our Times, Cou- Mr. Madison or the Members of the rier, Chronicle, and other corrupt party Congress, who gain nothing by govern papers, applaud this conduct in the dis- ing the country; and who can only want contented part of the Americans.-Fools! to do the best for their own proper estates they do not see, that the very fact of and liberties, in common with those of such intended resistance being openly the rest of the community. Such a declared through the American press, Government can want neither treason without even a thought of it being dan- laws nor troops to protect it; because gerous so to do, is the greatest compli- the people may put out the rulers, and ment that they can possibly pay to the appoint others when they please, and American Government, and the strongest because those rulers have no private in proof that they can give us of the real terest to make them regret the loss of freedom of her press and her people.--power.There is a Mr. RANDOLPH, Fools! to tell the world so much about of Virginia, who, a great partisan against this openly proposed resistance, when the President and the war, has published its passing like a summer cloud, unheeded, is the sure and certain proof of the perfect freedom of the Republican Government, which, in practice, secures the right of resisting, as well as complaining of, oppression.Fools! Fools! do they not know, a long letter to the people of America, which our Times and Courier have re published, and upon which the Times makes the following remarks, which are very interesting to intelligent readers, because they shew clearly the mortification 66 measure of these hirelings at the language which" our high pretensions at the peace. Mr. even their favourites are compelled to use Randolph, unlike most of his countryin America in order to avoid universal men, professes to be proud of the 'Engexecration." A New York paper of the lish blood in his veins,' and to look "27th of December contains a long let- "back with pride on the names of Al"ter from the celebrated Mr. Randolph, "fred, and Bacon, and Shakspeare, 66 a Statesman no less distinguished by "and Milton, and Locke.' He avows, "his staunch nationality and republican- " that during our magnanimous stand "ism, than by his persevering opposition "against the Tyrant before whom all t? "to Mr. Madison's Government. The "rest of Christendom had bowed,' he "Convention of the New England States " put up fervent prayers for our saccess; "at Hertford, and the strong probability" but the fact which he alleges in proof "that their proceedings would terminate" of our having abandoned the high "in a dissolution of the Union, have " ground on which we then stood, and "called forward Mr. Randolph as a ve- "descended to the level of a jacobinical "hement advocate against a hostility, is one which deserves, and "which this gentleman considers so me- "will perhaps hereafter demand some in"nacing to liberty. Happily for him vestigation. Let not her orators,' says "these alarms are at an end. Our Di-"he, declaim against the enormity of "plomatists at Ghent have not only "French principles, when she permits signed the death-warrant of the Hert- herself to arm and discipline our 'ford Convention, but have abandoned "slaves, and to lead them into the field "to the vengeance of their countrymen "" against their masters, in the hope of "the people of Nantucket, who had "exciting by their example a general "declared for neutrality, as well as those "insurrection, and thus rendering Vir "of Maine, who had sworn allegiance to ginia another St. Domingo.' What "his Majesty. We have forcibly re- "grounds there may be for this charge"united States destined,' in the pro- "a heavy one it undoubtedly is-we prephetic language of Mr. Randolph, to to "fess not to know; but we do trust it "become within the present century a "will not turn out, upon enquiry, that mighty nation,'—'a confederacy which "we have sanctioned the American trea"has already given a deep blow to our "chery of bribing our seamen to desert, "maritime pride, and threatens, at no" by an example of conduct still more to "distant day, to dispute with us the em- be reprobated. In regard to the prin'pire of the ocean.' It is of importance "cipal object of his letter, Mr. Randolph "that we should urgently call the atten- " is grossly inconsistent. He professes "tion of our readers, as Britous, to this an ardent love of liberty, not jacobinilanguage--language proceeding not "cal, but of ancient English growth. He "from a promoter, but from a steady op- argues, that this liberty must perish in ponent of the war; not from an ad- "America if the present constitution be mirer, but from an open despiser of the "overthrown; and yet he tacitly admits "American cabinet. Yet even this man, "that under that constitution every spark "in the moment of actual bankruptcy" of real liberty has become extinct. "to the Government, and of impending "Atheists and madmen,' says he, 'have "dissolution to the union of the States, "been our lawgivers.' The press is can triumph over Great Britain, and "under a virtual imprimatur.' 'The augur the speedy subjection of her "union is held together by no common power! What will he say, when he "authority to which men can look up "learns that the uplifted rod of ven"" with confidence and respect.' 'Congeance was stayed by a treaty, in which we affected to consult only the honour and the fair pretensions' of Ame"rica? He will not even give us credit for our liberality; for as the general tenour of his letter shews him to be con"vinced that our conduct in the war has "been mean, and dastardly, and barbarous, so he will attribute to nothing "but cowardice the abandonment of all 66 66 66 σε 66 6 |