called Mr. MADISON, imposter, liar, villain, slave, jelen, coward, and insist hat he ought to be considered as out f the pale of all legal protection. hey call upon all the world to come nd scourge the French nation whom hey call thieves, slaves, blood-hounds, murderers, kill-kings, and every thing else that is abominable. It is impos sible that this language of our press should not produce a great and last power reduced. And, in this temper of" and a rebel;” they call him, just as they mind, is it not to be feared, is it not 1 be expected, that, if we are at war with Napoleon only a few years, some occa sion will be seized on by America to a sist in reducing us to a state which wi.. relieve ber from all future apprehension of hostility from us? Napoleon, who ha now seen of what stuff America is made, of what importance she is, and of what greater importance she will be, and must be, in the world, will take special care to cherish her friendship, to gratifying mischief. Indeed, there is good her merchants and traders, to treat he Government with respect. Americ. and France have no objects of rival ship. Neither is afraid of the other. The products of one are wanted by the other. The growth of the power of each tends to the good of both. Both, from unhappy circumstances and events, are the bitter enemies of England; and, if we go to war with Franée, at this time, and without such grounds as shall justify war in the eyes of all the world, have we not reason to fear, that we shall have America also fr an enemy. reason to believe, that these writers have, in no small degree, contributed towards the facilitating of Napoleon's return. They have been continually holding up our army as the conquerors of France; they have incessantly laboured to vilify all those who shone in the French army; they have been marking men out for vengeance as Jacobins, Regicides, &c. they have been recom tors. ending and applauding every measure, tending to re exalt the emigrants and to shake the property of the new proprieIt was they who first urged the My Lord, in conclusion, let me beg of restoration to the noblesse of the national you to observe what mighty mischief bas domains which remained unsold, a meabeen done by the vile men, who conduct sure which could not be regarded as the principal of our London newspapers. any thing less than a preliminary step In America, where our language is the to the ousting of the whole of the new language of the country, all our threats proprietors; a measure against which I have been repeated through a thousand repeatedly cautioned the King; a meachannels. There is not a single man, or sure, which, perhaps, more than any boy of ten years of age, in all that vast other, has contributed to his overthrow. country, who has not read the outrageous Then, my Lord, the falsehoods of these abuse and the insolent and bloody de- men. Their wilful falsehoods. Their nunciations of the Times newspaper impudent fabrications. Their disgrace to against the President, the Congress, the the press, to literature, to the country, People of America. Not a soul of them is now manifest to all men. It is to the has failed to see their country marked out readers, the silly or malicious pupils, of for plunder and subjugation; themselves these wicked men that the French peofor chastisement, or, in the words of wise ple have offered ridicule, scorn and inCurtis, for " a confounded good flog-sult in this hour of the people's triumph. “ging;" their President as a man to be One of these pupils, in the COURIER deposed," being “a traiter and a rebel." | of Tuesday last writes from Brighton Thus have been implanted in the minds of a people not given to passion, the feelings of hatred and revenge; feelings which cannot be eradicated for many years; feelings which must exist dur ing the present generation; fcebugs which have already produced, and which must continue to produce, incalculab e m chief to our country. At the pre en moment, these same vile men, ale proceeding in precisely the same course. They denommate Napoleon "a traitor [“. 66 thus: "The only persons in France "who appear in trouble about this event are the poor English. The roads are covered with them-their deperate haste their melancholy faces --"and their bad French-all serve to excite the risibility of the people of France as they post through their country. I can assure you that they are not sparing of their insolence and ridicule, nor do they forget to charge you for what you take. I stopped at 66 a small inn for a few minutes, about "25 miles from Dieppe; at the door there ' were crowds of persons amusing "themselves with remarks upon the English passengers. The news just "then arrived of Bonaparte's approach "to Paris, and probable entry in a few "hours-all was vehemence and confu"sion, and unbounded joy expressed. ""Notre Empereur," "Napoleon," Napoleon le Grand," appeared to electrify and fill their hearts with joy." --Here, then, my Lord, in spite of all their fabrications, peeps out the fact, that THE PEOPLE of France as well as the army are filled with joy at Napoleon's return. And why should the poor English be in trouble and have melancholy faces" at this event? Strange indeed, that they should sorrow for themselves! It is their annoyance; it is their insolence, which has thus been repaid with ridicule and scorn. They had the audacity, to look upon France as a sort of colony of England; and in their sorrow, their melancholy faces, at Napoleon's return, the people of France saw no feeble proof, that that return was for the good and for the honour of France. 66 " Thus, my Lord, have I given you my reasons for objecting to a war with France, either for the purpose of restoring the Bourbons, or for that of securing Belgium to the new King of the Netherlands. I do not, I must confess, entertain very sanguine hopes, that this my advice will be attended with better success than that which I offered as to the commencement and prolongation of the unfortunate and disgraceful war against the American States; and, if, in spite of what I deem the plain dictates of sense and reason and love of country, this new war is to be waged, I have only to add my sincere wishes, that my predictions may not, in this case, as in the former, be so completely fulfilled. I am, &c. WM. COBBEIT. Botley, 30th March, 1815. WAR WITH FRANCE. Mr. COBBETT.-The praiseworthy, the patriotic and honourable exertions which you are now making, to avert the calamities consequent on a renewal of the war with France, call for the support of every real friend to his country. Feeble as my pen is, when compared with your herculean labours, and the powerful energies of your mind, I feel it to be my duty to raise my voice, at this awful moment, against the prosecution of measures which have already proved so fatal to our national prosperity, that, in place of Great Britain now occupying the proud eminence, from which she commanded the homage of nations, she appears, alas! to be fast verging to a state of irretrievable ruin, and to have become an object of contempt amongst those who formerly envied her greatness. What a terrible, what a useful lesson has the American war taught our rulers, if they are at all capable of being taught by misfortunes?-Only a few short months before, they formed the resolution of overthrowing democracy, of extinguishing republicanism or the other. side the Atlantic, we had acquired the renown of having defeated, in numerous battles, the soldiers of a nation that had, for twenty years, overawed the Continent of Europe, and that had dictated terms, in their very capitals, to all its sovereigns, who considered themselves happy in being permitted to hold theit crowns by the suffrance of the victors. Not only so, but to our powerful exertions, it was owing that the greatest captain of the age, the man who could boast that victory had never deserted his standard, was so completely subdued as to seek for safety in retirement, leaving the field of battle, the scene of all his glory, and that of the people who had so long exulted in his and their triumphs, in our full and undisputed possession! What an elevated rank to hold in the scale of nations! What an enviable situation! Had the helm of the State been guided by prudence; had moderation influenced our national councils, we never could have been driven from this lofty pinnacle. Ages might have passed away, but Great Britain would have remained the admiration and the envy of the world. Pride, hatred and ambition has subverted the stately fabric. Nothing would satisfy us but the overthrow of American independence. place of attributing our successes here to a fortunate concurrence of circumstances, we fancied ourselves invincible. We entered the contest vaunting of our omnipotence. We despised the enemy In France. [414 we had to encounter. Already we had double that number in the course of one made preparations for putting the sea short month, if so tremendous a force upon the final subjugation of the Amerirican continent. Every friend of liberty throne, or even to extend his conquests. was necessary to give stability to his stood aghast at the daring attempt. It is impossible at present to divine his Every lover of his native land sighed, intentions. Circumstances may justify and his spirits sunk within him, when the opinion, that he will insist upon he contemplated the probability of making the Rhine the boundary of its success, But, the charm of our invincibility has been broken; If he should, it would be a talisman of our omnipotence, has beer oppose this. They have accused Napothe wise policy in the allied powers not to dissipated; and Britain, proud Britain, leon of being unbounded in his ambition. has fallen from the summit of her great ness! A band of freemen, whose Govern him those limits which nature has so Would it not be worth the trial, to give ment she threatened to overthrow, to clearly pointed out as belonging to the whom she arrogated the privilege of dic- French Empire? Should he pass these, tating the law, rushed forward in defence without cause of provocation, he might of their rights. The country which had then be apposed as the common enemy been invaded, became the grave of the of mankind. To war against him, in bis invaders. Even the ocean, on which she present favourable situation in crder to had so long ridden triumphant, was des- prevent his obtaining that object, would tined to witness her defeat and her dis- be folly; but to draw the sword for the grace. A reverse so unexpected, a change so sudden and extraordinary, na- would be the extreme of madness.-In purpose of reinstating the Bourbons, turally produced a correspondent feeling. the former case the chances are two to The nations of Europe, who were foi-ne against his opponents: In the latter merly awed by the splendour of our vic- they are ten to one. tories, now began to question our pretensions. They no longer regarded us as invincible: they were indignant that they should have so long yielded us the rank which we possessed. This indignation, at what they considered their own weak ness and folly, gave birth to feelings of hatred and contempt. The eagerness with which we sought an opportunity to enter into uegociations with America, was no way calculated to counteract this impression; and it only remained to complete the degradation, by finally making concessions to the foe we despised, which no other could expect or exact but one that had frustrated our designs, and driven us from the field.-At this critical moment, when our fame for deeds of arms has so fatally declined, the adversary, whom we had overthrown, and on whose re-appearance we never calcu-aware that the conclusions they then drew lated, stands again into view.-He comes arrayed with tenfid more terrors than at have upon France, now operate with as to the favourable effect this would any former period. If ever it was a double force against our taking up arms matter of doubt that Napoleon possessed against her? The language of the Courier the hearts of the people of France, the at that time was particularly striking and reception which they have now given him remarkable. must effectuaily remove it. Already he | December, it was said, In that journal of 25th is said to have an army at his command of 50°,000 veterans; and such is the atBy peace, France will gain every thing. She fachment and devotion to his person "will regain at least 300,000 of her best which pervades all France, that he might" and seamen sufficient to mau 50 sail of troops, one half of her best officers, were true to their the victories of Marquis Wellington, they If we calculate on will be met by our defeats at Fort Erie and New Orleans. If we speak of the entry of the Allies into Paris, we shall be told that treason no longer exists never was defeated when the soldiers in the French army; that Napoleon he led to battle colours. Our naval and military glory having been so greatly tarnished by the of Napoleon having so greatly improved, contest with America, and the fortunes it is lamentable to observe with what eagerness our ministerial newspapers are endeavouring to involve this country in a new war with France. of corruption forgotten the arguments Have these tools which they made use of, in the end of the year 1813, to dissuade the allies from giving peace to Europe? Are they not 66 "the line. In six months after a peace, | willing aid to corruption to keep her 'in France may have fifty sail of the line, her seat; and now, forsooth, you pout "well manaed, and an army of half a and whine like way-ward Children.“million of men, commanded by a great -A person of no small abilities, yet military genits. One victory may espousing the cause of the Corn Bill, again give him possession of Vienna." uses the following most excellent remark, -The event here anticipated has actu- which, as it suits the cause of the people ally happened. Napoleon has regained, much better than the one in the service by the peace, all his best troops, the of which it is enlisted, you will permit greatest part of his best officers, and all me here to quote. The writer says his seamen. He possesses more than fifty and says justly, that, Equal prosail of the line, and he has at his 'com- "tection is the right of all under a mand half a million of armed men. If "free government. All must participate then the allied powers should provoke "in the benefits of society, otherwise him to hostilities, let them beware that "the bond of association loses its legiti "one victory does not again give him" "possession of Fienna." THE FARMERS. H. MR. COBBETT.-A letter, under the signature of Aristides, has, it seems, given offence to sundry of your Correspendents, who scem impressed with the idea of Ins being hostile to farmers in general, whereas the contrary is the case; for while deprecating the now pending Corn Bill, as an arbitrary, partial, and unjust measure, no man entertains more affection, respect, and, I may say, veneiation for the plain, rough, honest true old English Farmer, than Aristides; neither does any one more ardently wish, or would more earnestly endeavour, (overwhelmed as the nation is with Lords, Baronets, Knights, and Nabobs,) the renovation and multiplication of the an cient British Yeomanry.-But monopolizers of land, speculators and vile imitators of the luxuries of a court, cannot meet the approbation of a well wisher to his country; the more especially when, to enable themselves to continue such, the wish to put every mouth in that Country under tribute. Honest indignation in the cause of the poor, may then be allowed to burst forth. Aristides agrees with the bulk, and hetter part of the nation, that Corruption and Taxation have gone hand in hand for a number of years; but wherefore good people of Englaud do you now cry out against them?---You were in use to discourage, by all the means in your power, those who sought to rid you of the oppression; nay you lent your 66 mate force, as in Asia, where a tyrannic "partiality makes favoured Casts, and treats others as if they were not of the human species; or, to use the "words of the poet, Nature's bastards not her sons.' Such favour "and affection may do in Asiatic governments, but not in England Be If this argument be just, let the minis- Pined and Published by G. HOUSTON: No. 192. Strand; where all Communications addressed to Editor are requested to be forwarded. VOL. XXVII. No. 14.] LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 8, 1815. 417] TO LOUIS. ON THE REAL CAUSES OF HIS LATE MILY. SIR,-While I feel, in common with most of my countrymen, compassion for you, under the present circumstances, I think it right to address you my thoughts on the real causes of your late expulsion from Franee, and on the prospeets which now present themselves to yourself and family. To do this I think myself the more fully entitled, as, the advice, which I offered you upon your restoration was not followed, and, as it now appears, the acting in opposition to that advice has furnished the grounds of numerous accusations against you and your Government. It appears to me very clear, that the House of Bourbon never can reign again in France. A war, in which all the rest of Europe, with the purse of England emptied into their hands, should league, against France, might produce great revolutions in that country; but, I am convinced, that it is wholly impossible for any combination of power, or of events, to make your House again for any length of time, the sovereigns of France. The reasons for this opinion will become apparent when I have described what I deem to have been the real causes of your late expulsion. you [Price 1s. [418 that it was not; but, it is impossible to blame the people of France for having believed that which every man in England believed, and especially when overt acts of a nature so striking, and so humiliating to France, accompanied this memorable declaration. You had ex pressed your resolution to owe your res toration solely to the people of France; aud the people of France, saw you escorted from the Prince Regent's palace, to Dover by English Guards ; <they saw you conveyed across the Channel in an Eng lish ship commanded by an English Prince; they saw you received on French ground and conducted to Paris by German and Prussian soldiers, subsidized by England: they saw Paris filled with. those troops; they saw those troops remain there until Napoleon was landed on the rock of Elba, and until you had new-organized the army and the civil authorities of France; they, in short, saw you put upon the throne by foreign armies, and they heard England, who had been the constant enemy of France under all her forms of Government, held up, as entitled to all the merit of having accomplished this event. Was it likely; was it possible, that a nation like the French should not burn with desire to wipe away this broad, this staring stain on its character? To see the English regiments of horse traverse almost the whole of France, when they might have been embarked very nearly at the spot where the war had closed; to see the studied parade of English “conquerors,” as they were called, in the streets of Paris; to be told, as they were through our news-papers, that you had, at the request of our Government, forcibly detained American armed ships in the ports of France, and that you had, by special command, prevented French men from sailing to America, lest they should enter into the service of that coun In the Proclamation to the French people, which you issued in England in the early part of 1814, you said, that were resolved to owe your restoration solely to the people of France. But, you were hardly arrived in France, when it was stated in the Moniteur and in the English news-papers, that you had, under your own hand, declared to the Prince Regent of England, that you owed your Crown to him; and the substance, if not copies, of the letter, containing this de-try: to see and hear these things must claration, were published in these same papers. I do not pretend to say, that Ahis was the fact. I would fain believe have added greatly to the mortification and resentment of the French people, who, always remarkable for their love of |