VOL. XXVII. No. 15.] LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 15, 1815. [ Price 1s.

If I were to study for the remainder of my life, I could not fali upon a definition sof the late Message, more true and complete, than that which is contained in this single line from the pen of the best of poets. But, why are you willing to wound? I can see reasons enough, and you have already seen them from my pen, why you should be afraid to strike. I have read your speech, and also those of the other persons who seem to feel as you feel; and I still can see no reason whatever for war against France; I can see no reason why we should not remain | at peace with that country and with all the world; while I see very great danger to this country and to the rest of Europe in a renewal of hostilities.

make to us, as it is asserted be is, all sorts of sacrifices in order to obtain peace; for, it gught ato be recollected, that the leaders of the Republic, in the year 1793, went much further in this way thay the Emperor has get gone; and still the Republic, when, at last, driven into a war of defence, was found able to firustrate the designs of all her enemies, and, indeed, not only to defend her own soil, but to invade and conquer large portion of the soil of those who had attacked her.

In the speech, to which I bave abor alluded, your Lordship sets out with the position, that the late events had led to an order of things likely to release the "world from dangers and calamities; to restore the natural end social system; to restore the body politic_of Europe; to improve the state of Eu rope; to preserve the tranquillity of "the world:" and that the return of Napoleup had served to blight the giropecds which the great labours of the Allied "Powers had operated to produce." You seem to have regarded these positions as universally admitted to be true; The war of 1593 was called a Crusade, for you did not make the slightest atand very justly so called. By some it tempt to prove the truth of them. As was decreed a crusade in the cause of to the "natural and social syren” as religion and social order; by others, to the " body politic of Europe;" I do a crusade against liberty. That it was not know the weaning of these phrases, a war of kings and nobles, and priests, and shall not, therefore, for the present, against the enemies of kingly, and feudal, dispute about them. But, in any view and ecclesiastical Government, all the of the matter, the state of Europe avas ..world raust allow ;and, it is impossible NOT improved by the events to while to dook at the present state of things you referred; in my view of the matter, without perceiving, that Europe is, all the world was NOT released from donof a sudden, come back to the state of gers and calamities by those events; and, 1793, with this difference in favour of I think, it is now pretty clear, that those the French, that they are now in the ac-events did NOT tend to preserve the tual enjoyment of almost the whole of tranquillity of the world. If, indiced. the benefits promised them by the advo-we look upon the fall of superstition and -cates of the revolution. You seem to et feudal power as a endunity, then at have a very different opinion of the mat- must be confessed, at the success of ter. That opinion, as it has been com- the Allies did qromise release a partóf municated to us through the Parliamen the world from calamity: and, if we tary reports, I am now about to exaurine; took upon the re-establishment of the premising here, that it appears to me to Pope, the Jesuits, and the Inquisition, be very erroneous to auger success against on the one hand, and the extinguishFrance because her Emperor is ready to ment of the Republics of Hoband

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miralty to the Fleet, directly after the abdication of Napoléon, expressed a conSdent expectation, that the war against America would end in a way to give "lasting tranquillity to the civilized

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ice, and Genoa, on the other hand, as an improvement in the state of Europe; then, it must be confessed, that the suc cesses of the Allies had improved the state of this important quarter of the globe; but, there was another quarter of" world." the globe, which your lordship wholly Now, my Lord, what would I give to omitted, at which I greatly marvel; be know, whether you look upon the state cause the merit of endeavouring to re- of things in America as coming within "store the natural and social system" your view, when you talk about the in that country; the merit of endea "Social System!" Because the state of vouring to improve the state of America, things there bears a strong resemblance was exclusively our own; unless, in- to the state of things now existing, or, deed, the Allies did, as it was asserted, at least, fast approaching, in France. by our news-papers, they had done, Chief Magistrate, a Legislature, elected make a secret contract not to interfere by the people; no sovereignty acknowin our war with the transatlantic repub-ledged but that which proceeds from, and licans; and, even in that case, their resides in the people; no feudal rights; share of the merit was very small indeed. no superiority claimed by birth; no priMy Lord, what would I give to know vileged orders; no dominant church; precisely the meaning of your words, no compulsory payments to ministers of when you talk of the SOCIAL SYSTEM! religion; no religious tests; no restraint Until we know this, however, there is no on the press as to matters of opinion such thing as approving of any of your perfect equality of civil rights. So that, conclusions. We have seen you at war if this state of things do not belong to against NAPOLEON, and against Mr. the "Social System," it would seem, MADISON, at one and the same time. that the world would still be in a very We have seen, within the space of four unsatisfactory state, though the Bourmonths, troops in the pay of England in-bons were again on the throne of France. vading both France and America; in possession of the cities of Paris and Washington. Were both of these Chief Magistrates enemies of the "Social Sys"tem?" I must again remind you, that the press in England denominated Mr. Madison a rebel and a traitor, as they now denominate Napoleon; that they declared that no peace could be made with James Madison, as they now declare for the second time, that no peace can be made with Napoleon Bonaparte; that they insisted on the necessity of carrying on the war till the mischievous example of a Government, founded on a democratical rebellion, should be de-overwhelming in uence of a military chief stroyed; that they urged the necessity of prosecuting the war against America upon the same principle as it had been so successfully prosecuted against France; and, that they published with impunity a declaration, which they ascribed to one of the Lords of the Admiralty, and gave it as if delivered by him in parliament: in which declaration it was stated, that we must carry on the war till James Madison should be deposed in like manner as Napoleon had been deposed. It is ueDifecessary that I also remind you, that a

reular address of the Lords of the Ad

Does your Lordship mean, that the

Social System" is restored in Spain? In Italy? At Genoa? It would be coaferring a great favour on the nation to let us have have a yea or nay answer to this question; because we should then know, if we are to go to war, precisely what we are fighting and toiling to restore and establish.

Your Lordship's next positions are: that the return of Napoleon to power is by no means the effect of the will or the wish of the people of France, and, that it is quite clear, that the event is to be ascribed wholly to artifice and the

and his army! You are a cool, a very cool man, my Lord, or I should think, that this must have been a misrepresentation of your words. What! believe that Napoleon, an exile in Elbo, could land with 680 followers, and go 500 miles along the high road, and then enter Paris, without a single hand raised against him, through many very populous and strongly fortified, towns, without the good wishes of the people! Really this must be that sort of faith which is able to remove mountains. In my last letter to you and in my letter to the late king

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of France, I have proved, that the peo-1 ger sufficient to justify even preparation, ple of France oid wish, becasue their it was, however, necessary for you to ininterests compelled them to wish, for No ist upon this wonderful attachment of poleon's re‘ura; but, how strange- is it he army to Napoleon; an attachment for us now to be fold, that the army not to be weakened by his reverses in war alone wished it, when it is not more tiran nor by their own personal sufferings un ten months ago, that we were assured der his command, nor by his abdication, that the army held him in the utmost nor by his exile; an attachment such as contemp! Can this motion still believe few men in the whole world have ever all these contradictory assertion? It is had the happiness to experience. It notorious, that the English motion were, was necessary for you to insist upon this for years, made to believe, that the Freuchelmost miraculous attachment in order to army was composed, not of Volunicers; make out your case of danger to the reNot of men engaged in war for the lovepose of Europe. But, it appears to me, of glory; but of men, dragged to the that you, in your anxiety to establish this ranks in chains. How many volumes point, overlooked the danger of another have we read on the horrors of the Consort: namely, the danger to be apprehenscription! Did not this whole nation be- | lieve, that the army of Napoleon were a set of poor souls, who had been led captive into the service; who had been coupled together on their way like conviets going to our Hulks? Was not this our belief? Had not the English press succeeded in waking us believe, that this Awas the description of men serving in the French armies; and, that these unfortunate. beings sighed for the moment, when they should be restored to their homes, where their miserable parents avere pursing the cruelty of their Chief? Aud yet, Oh! strange to record, you now tell us, that this same Chief

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ded from this very attachment, in case we attack Napoleos. We all know, that even a small army, firinly attached to their chief, is a formidable object. What, then, must a large army be, oc and toge ther and urged on by such a feeling?

That it must be large, and very large indeed, is, according to you, certain; for, unless it were such, it could not have kept in awe thirty millions of people, several hundred of thousands of whom were armed national guards, and not a iew of whom had devoted life and fortune to the defence of the King. Yet, strange to say, we are told, that this army is very weak as to numbers, and discipline that it has neither cannon nor stores; and that it wants what is called the material. Well, then, my Lord, take the thing this way: allow the army to be weak and insufficient; and, then, why need we be alarmed? If Napoleon has the army and the army alone, is for him,and, if that army be weak, how can we wish to see France in a better state for our interests?

comes from exile and thrusts out a mild and benevolent sovereign, solely by the attachment borne, towards him, by this same army! What, then; these people loved chains and thumb-screws. They not only followed all over Europe; they not only ventured their lives in the service of the man, who had dragged them from their homes in chains and put them to the torture; but, having been released, Your Lordship appears to assume as having been delivered from his power, and a fact admitted, that france is now unler taken into the service of a paternal, sove-the absolute sway of “ a military chief reign, they bring back into their country," and his army," which you are pleased to and place in command over themselves, call the System of France. - Bat I deзy him who had treated them with all sorts of this act, epon the truth of which all མྱ3]T cruelties. Really, my Lord, though I have subsequent reasoning depends. Napoles often read of people who have been whip ou bas declared, that he rules only hy ped, thumb screwed, chained, and other- } virtue of the people's choice; he espacit wise tortured by their tyrants, 1 never ¡y disavows all notion of military anthodid before, either read, hear, or dream of rity; he says he is to govern for, and by people,so treated, who were attached to the will of the people. He has called the said tyrants, who wished to keep such into power men known to be decitedly tyrants in authority,or, who would not, if hostile to the very system you describe; they had the power, tear such tyrants to these men have declared to him, that he pieces. is to heid his power upon these conditi lous, le has made overtures proving the

An order to make out the case of dan

sincerity of his declarations. In short," it is manifest, that to hold his place in the Republic, he must seek peace, and pursue it, unless he be first attacked.

ancient state of sound policy and social feeling, he certainly never had participated in that precipitate judg "ment that there would be no other I think that it is clear that the system "transition than from a state of war of France is a system of peace, and of a "with France to a state of peace. The disinclination to foreign conquest. A "danger which threatened Europe, from Frenchman, who reflects, must perceive, "the military character of France, was that the extension of the boundaries of more deeply rooted in the state of France can be no benefit to her; that, if "things which made France merely a the French empire were again extended "werlike nation; which sunk all the to Rome, Hamburgh, and Cadiz, France "other classes of society there in subor would become little in proportion. Paris "dination with respect to the army: and could take no pleasure in seeing Rome "it was obvious that if France should and Amsterdam and Madrid divide her suddenly endeavour to break from that greatness with her. And, such men as "morbid and unnatural condition in Carnet and Roederer would not fail to "which she was, a re-action of her arperceive, that the liberties of France" mies was to be expected, which would could never exist, while her Chief was also" perhaps place that country politically the Chief of so many other nations. In some "at the feet of her soldiery. And had part or other of an empire so stretched" not such been actually the case? Who out, there must always be cause for the "would say that the return of Bonaparte presence and operation of armies. The "to the capital of France had taken Chief must have enormous powers. Despo- place with the wishes of the French tism is alone capable of keeping internal" people? (hear, hear!) Who, on the peace and order amongst the people of contrary, would hesitate to say that it an empire like that of Napoleon; and," was in violation of the recorded feeltherefore, to secure those liberties, and all ings of the nation, unequivocally in fathose inestimable advantages, which have "vour of the ancient dynasty? It was been the consequence of the French re- one of those revolutions produced by volution, France must refrain from exten- an army which could only hope, in ding her boundaries to any considerable" such a revelation, to find its usual redistance. And, my lord, does not all the "wards in the blood and plunder of intelligence we receive from France clear-" other nations. That army had, howly shew, that this is the principle, upon, ever, disgraced itself by violating all which the French government is now "those oaths to its lawful Sovereign acting? We may talk of the army as long" which would have had weight upon hoas we please, but is it the army that have called for the declarations against foreign conquest? Has not their Chief told them, that they must forget their former conquests? Has he not told them, that he shall confine himself to the old French frontier? And, if he had thought, that he had been received back merely as the means of leading France to foreign couquest, would he have made such decla-" rations? To answer this question in the affirmative, would be to set human nature as well as common sense at defiance. Your Lordship is made to describe France as being " merely a warlike "nation." But, I will transcribe the whole passage, embracing as it does several points which call for remark. It is reported in these words: "However san "guine he might have been in his hopes "that the ultimate issue of the late

events would lead the world back to its

nourable minds. Whatever might be. "the ultimate decision, of this Govern"ment and its Allies, it appeared to him "that the only calculation which Europe "had to make was, whether it would be

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more for her interests to meet the pow "er that now threatened her,at its outset, "before it was established in the full vigour of its resources, or to remain united in a state of military organiza “tion as a necessary precaution against danger. He confessed he was not "then in a state to communicate to the "House all that would be necessary to "enable it to judge upon the whole of "that question, and therefore he thought "he acted more in the spirit of the con“ stitution, and in what became him as "a Minister of the Crown, in leaving that topic to stand upon its own ground as "it might appear hereafter from the

course of events. The Noble Lord

"then adverted to what ought to be the "line of policy which this country should adopt with respect to the continent, "and deprecating the idea of hur"rying, or goading the continent into a war, maintained that we should "wait to watch the spirit and feelings " which might manifest themselves throughout Europe in this great crisis "At the same time, if the case turned merely upon difficulties, he trusted that as we had saved the world in con currence with the continental powers, "with the same concurrence we shoul be ready to preserve it. (hear, hear!! "It was a proud reflection for this coun "try that at the end of so long a war "we had at the present moment, accomplished every thing which was desira"ble for securing the balance of Europe "and the independence of States; and "had established more in fact, than had "been done at any former period."

hares, partridges, pheasants, deers and wild boars, which laid waste their helds and devoured their crops: instead. of that wretched, cowed-down race, who, for ages, were the butt of English scorn. and ridicule, you would, if you had turned your eyes trat way, have beheld in France the country spread over with. proprietors of small parcels of land, wellAressed, well-fed, bold in their manners, sensible in their marks, understanding heir rights and fer duties, fearing no nation, but anxious for peace with all. This, perhaps, your lordship would have regarded as a MORBID and unnatural condition". At anyate, such IS the condition of France, let the fact excite mortification and envy where it may.

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You are pleased to describe the returnof the Emperor Napoleon to the capital of France as being "in violation of the recorded feelings of the nation unequivocally expressed in favour of the an"cient dynasty. When, my lord? When 500,000 Russians and Gernians were quartered on the French Soil? when the Prussians and Russians garrisoned Paris, and its environs? when an En

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Really, your lordship appeals to me to have profited very little of the opportu nity of judging of the state of France and of what, in such an event as the present, was likely to be the predominant feeling in that country; or it ap-glish army, at the same time,, was; stapears to me impossible, that you should tioned in Bourdeaux and on the banks of not have seen in France all the elements the Garonne ? Was it then that the people of lasting peace and of repugnance to of France hailed so unequivocally the mere military sway. If, indeed, you had return of the old dynasty? But, supseen France before the revolution, you pose they did? did this shew, that would have found her essentially sub- France was a mere military nation; ordinate to the army; for then, the or, that it was inclined to peace, and the nob.esse, who owned the land, and who arts of peace? The truth is, that the exercised all sorts of powers under the French nation sighed for peace; and if fendal system, were military men in virtue the Bourbons had kept their promise; of their very titles. They were al sol- or, rather, if they could have kept their diers, and all the people were their vas- promise, the nation would have resals. The noblesse were born to fight as mained satisfied; or at least quiet. But, officers and the people were born to fight when the people saw, that continual inunder them, without even the possibility roads were made upon their liberties and of promotion. This, perhaps, was that their property; when they could hardly "social system," after which your lord-hope to escape being driven back to the ship appears so profoundly to sigh. But, this system of military chiefs and their vassals is no more. No man in France is now born to command another man. Their feudal rights are annihilated. The land of France is distributed in small parcels amongst the great mass of the population; and those who have land to till are never prone to wander from it. Instead of a miserable peasantry, toiling along under all sorts of burdens, hemmed in by restrictions on every side, subjected to petit despots in almost every square mile, daring hardly to look at the

slavery of 1789, then they opened the way for Napoleon, who, say what we will, was hailed as a real deliverer of his country.

You say, that "the only calculation. "which Europe has to make is, whether "it be more for her interest to meet the power, which now threatens her, at its

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outset, before it be established in the "full vigour of its resources, or to remain "united in a stute of military organization, as a necessary precaution against danger. That is to say, whether we are to march at once to the attack of

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