our pockets, or a shirt to our backs, while shall have accomplished nothing by the war; our twelve hundred millions of money and our hundreds of thousands of lives will have brought us nothing in return. But, if we are to he upon our France, or lie upon our arms to be ready to fight her at any moment. The latter, by all means, my lord, if we have only this choice; but, I do not think this superabundant precaution at al advisable. I do not like the idea of an income tax and loans in time of peace; and neither will they be necessary, if we make a cordial peace with the Emperorable commercial treaty with Fiance, we of France, and enter into those relationships of commerce, which will be mutually advantageous, and which, I dare say, we may enter into if we choose. However, if this be our only alternative. If we must have war: or peace as expen-arms, our loss is incalculable. sive as war; if this be the state to which There is one thing, which I acknowwe have come at last, I really cannot ledge the war has done; and that is, see much ground for the boast contained prevented litherio a pariiunsontary rein the close of your speech: namely that form; saved for 25 years the Borough we have saved the world; that we can System, which is, perhaps, a component preserve the world: and that it is a part of the " Social System." And, I will provt reflection, that we have accom- frankly own to your Lordship, that, thougle plished every thing that is to be desired I can discover no danger to any thing else for securing the balance of Europe and in a peace with France, at this time. I do the independence of states. If we have discover in a solid peace with that conn done all this, what a folly is it to be afraid | try great danger to the Borough Mongers of France? Way, Reed we care who sits and their trade. We shall see in France on the throne of the coury? Why used ¦ a system, and. I dare say," an admirable we keep on foot a war estanhshment, or go, at once, to war? The truth is, if we must either now go to war, or live in a state of armed truce, we have sccutus plished nothing, except zdeing 3. mulhons sterling a year to the taxes necessary to be ralat for the payment of the interest of the geht. We went to war against the Republicans of France, 16 1733, to keep their disorganizing vrimer ples from spreading, and now westeMessrs. | tercourse with a rance; if the press in Carot, Roederer, Gregoire, Francois, that country be free for aŭ opinions, reCambaceres, Beissy D'Anglas, &c, agein | ligious as well as political, faiscured, byat work upon the Rights of Man,pocrisy, and corruption must begin to Two-and-twenty years of war and bloed look sharply about them. and the expenditure of 609,600,000 of¦ bortowed pounds and as many more milHons in taxes have only brought us as to the point at issue, to the very spot whence we started. Yonder are the Bourbons again on the frontiers of France, collecting their emigrants about them; | and yonder are the German powers, preparlig, if they get our money, to invade #bat seme France; and in te same quar ter. To beasty therefore; that we have accomplished" our object, appears to me, my lord, to be posiectly rigieulous; snd, if your countryman BURKF, were still alive, he would rave like a Bedlamute at the thought of leaving us a penny in system of representative government. It Bay not be found practicable, in that country, to extend the rigist of voting so widely as it is extended in America; but we skall, after all the experience of the plast 25 years, see something done which shall give the peeple a solid security for their liberties and their property. And we do see such a government fairly in action for some years; if we love an iu In an article which will be subjoined to this kher, your Lordship with see a true picture of the piescat stake of France, even before she began scarcely to choy repose. You will there see the excellent, the wonderful eficcts of the republican revolution, its laws, its establishments. The authority is unquestionable; the yeracity, or the judgment of the author, man in England will doubt. Mr. GIRABRCK is known to be one of the greatest and best farmers in all England; one of the mew the very best quantied to make an estimate of the state of society; and his work shews him to be a man of great talent as a writer. We are therefore warranted in placing perfect reliance on what he says. And is it possible to contemplate the picture he draws, without feelings of real satisfaction! The man who can look upon this picture in comparison with that drawn by Mr. ARTHUR YOUNG of the same people, before the revolution, and not feel delighted at the change which has taken place, must carry about him the feelings of a demon. But, at any rate, we ought to conclude from such comparison, that it is impossible that success should attend any effort, no mat. ter by how many nations made, to compel the French people to return to their for mer wretched state. than between Hampshire and Norfolk. A true account of the country must soon be obtained. When one family has found France a desirable change, another will follow: and so on. The moderately rich will go for the sake of living in affluence: those who can but rub along in England, will seek ease and plenty: the miserable will seek bread: and the artizan and manufacturer will seek advancement in life. Who will not endeavour to avoid paying his share of the 40 millions sterling a year, which is called for on account of the National Debt? And who will not remove a few score of miles to enjoy political and religious liberty? The language! What is the language? The French Protestants soon got over that inconvenience. And, besides, if a really free government be established in France, the absence of a State Church, the absence of Poor Laws, the absence of Libel Laws as to religious opinions, the absence, comparatively, of taxes of every sort, the absence of birth without merit, and the absence of a great many other things that I could name, would draw whole colonies to that country, leaving out of view the inducements of climate and of the delicious produce of the soil. I am aware of all the danger to us, or, I should say, to the Borough Monger and Intolerant system from this cause. The religious persecutions; the tyranny; the execrable cruelties practised in France under the Bourbons, at the instigation of the Priests, brought the Cotton Manufactory and a great deal of science, industry, and virtue from France to Engla-d. And, who can tell what our Borough System, our Test Acts, and Libel Laws may carry from England to France? America has been the receiver of hundreds of thousands of the most enterprising, most ingenious, Even the Lords and Gentlemen and most useful of our people. The state who have lately petitioned for a Corn Bill, of her manufactures; the wonderful pro- have, almost in so many words, told the gress they have made: the astonishing Houses of Parliament, that France is a progress of her commercial and military country to go to in search of ease and commarine: these are, in no small degree, aw-fort. They have reminded the Houses ing to the emigrations from these islands. of the trifling taxes in France, and they Oh! my Lord, how powerful are the al- have, with great emphasis stated, that lurements of Liberty! And liberty really the French pay no tythes. Even this dehas no other meaning than this: that mea scription of persons have become recruit shall be governed by laws made by them-ers for emigration to France. If, then, we selves, or by persons whom they have chosen. This is the fact in America. Only think what must be the feelings of a man, passing, at once, from under our libel laws to a country where he may say, or write, just what he pleases about religion, and about all transactions and all men, so that he confine himself to the truth! Only What, then, must we have war, in order think how a man must leap and bound to prevent emigration to France? Horrid about, when he finds himself at liberty to as the idea is, I know that it is entertained promulgate any opinions that may come by many, because I have heard many into his head! Only think of the plea-maintain the affirmative of the question. sure which talent, which integrity, which virtue in all her shapes, must experience at seeing TRUTH have fait play! America, however, is at à distance. France is nearer to the South of England than Yorkshire is. The communication between England and France is easier have peace with France, and the French government be such as the friends of freedom will admire, what must be the consequences with regard to our population, our arts and manufactures, our agriculture, our commerce, our means of paying the interest of our national debt? Yes: war with France, lest the people of England should be tempted to migrate to that country! The idea is. however, as foolish as it is detestable for war would only render England worse to live in: and, therefore, unless, by war, we could totally destroy both Frauce and Americ would, in the end, only augment the evil intended to be prevented. table, most able, and even the most** No: it is not by war that we shall prevent a migration of our people. The way to keeps at home our artizans and manufacturers and our moderately rich men is, to take care, that they shall be unable to find, any where else, more happiness: that is to say, greater abundance, greater ease, and more real freedom. If France become nearly what America is in point of freedom. If the only difference should consist in the title of the Chief blagistrate. If the way to riches and honours be alike open to all men, of whatever religion. If the press become really free, as it is in America If every man paying a tax parfake in choosing the makers of the laws. Really, my Lord, if this should be the case, it appears to me, that Reform in this country will, at last, become absolute-prerogatives of the Feers or ille King? The old assertion, that the example ly necessary; and, therefore, would it not be as well to bigin now? Messrs. Ree- of America was nothing, seeing the smallderer, Carnot, Gregoire, &c, are at work ness of her popekition, the poverty of in France. They have had great experi- her people, and seeing that her constience. They have had their eyes fixed tution Bad not yet been brought in conupon us, and upon America. They know tact with the fourlstone of War. all about our situation. They have before old assertion is now contradicted. She then the history of cur Borough System, is neary, if not quite, as populous as and of the efforts which have been made this island; he people are itch; her to reforms it. They have heard, I dare cities luxurious; her commares immense; say, of the famous affair of Mr. QUIN-and she has just come with honour our THE DICK.. They have read SIR of the most arduous war in which any FRANCIS BURDETT'S Speeches, MA- nation was ever engaged, and that, too, FOR CARTWRIGHT'S Addresses, and the Petitions to the Honourable House, These will serve them as a guide. They wi know what to choose and what to shun. Therefore, my Lord, let ás try fo out-do them. Let us begin first. Let ús, leave them no room to strpess us. In short; for that is the all-in all, let us have * thoroughs reform of the Commer's House of Parliament, and then we shaft need no way to prevent the coregion of nch, principles nor to prevent Engto prevent Eng-¦ lismen from migrating to Lancé, C This not only without any intersal convulsion, but without seeing her mild Government resorting to any one measure of safety beyond the usual course of law. And, why did it not? Because it was eleted by the people; because it had the people's confidence; because, even if its [measures had displeased the people, the remedy was always at hand in an apSuch a Governprouching election. ment stands in ao need of soldiers in time of peace. It wasts de protection against the zeople, Lecoure the people, con at a And what are the objections to this few months from any given day, change fean? What are the chjections to their representatives. Thus is public ging payers of taxes a sight to vote for economy bateral to such a state of those who make our laws? It has beca | flings. Public ecenomy prévents heavy Impudently asserted, that such a reforms taxation. This is another, and one of would produce anarchy, and confusion the greatest securities. for internal peace that it would introduce lows and imprimi as well as happiness. Whether this be tipled me into the Lagis'aitre, and into the Secial System" I do not know: the offices of State. But has this been buf, certain I am, tist it is the happy systems; the systein of comfort, of mothe eflect of free élections in America?rity, of willing submission to the laws, We see there the Legislature and the of ichment to country, of loyalty, ces of state led by the most régi and of pcaées. To be sure, France bas not yet furnished us with so tempting an example; but, if she should not do it, what will then be said against admitting all Englishmen paying direct taxes to par ticipate in closing their representatives, leaving the privileges and prerogatives of the Peers and the Crown wholly un touched? I am at a loss to guess; but I am at no loss to foresee what would be the consequence of the refusal. This is the race; this is the rivalship, which I wish to see between England and France. Not a rivalship in war; not a rivalship in commercial restrictions; but a rivalship in the pursuit of freedom: a rivalship in which I am not at all afraid that we should surpass her. Our natural character; our persevering attachments to country; our unwearied loyalty; that modesty which indisposes individuals to aim at predominance; that moderation which limits our views of exaltation; that plain good sense, that justice, that mercy, which, if left to ourselves, guide us in all our decisions, that almost unbounded confidence between man and man, which gives to words the value of gold; our happy local situation; and a hundred other traits and circumstances: all seem to personify themselves and to exclaim? Why is not England the freest and happiest country in the * world? What need has she of armies in time of peace? Why should she know of any force beyond the Sheriff's Wand and the Constable's Staff? Why should her Government bo uneasy at the propagation of any opinions or principles, political or religious?' may, in some small degree, assist in' making you. besitate before you again plunge us into another long and sanguinary war. I am, &c. &c. WM. COBBETT. PRESENT STATE OF FRANCE. It is a truth, confirmed by univer sal history, that the happiness or misery of a people depends almost entirely upon the principles of their government, and the conduct of their rulers. Wherefore is it that in Europe there is more comforts enjoyed, and greater progress made in the arts and sciences, than in Asia? It is because the Asiatie governments are more despotic and tyrannical than the European. It is from a similar cause that the improvement of society in Spain, and in Portugal, is, at the present moment, a century, at least, behind our own country. It is following this crite rion only, by adopting it as a rule to form the judgment, that we shall be able, at all times, to arrive at eerrcct ideas respecting the condition of any people. Whenever we abandon this guide, we give ourselves up to error, and to all its cousequent evils; we become, by habit, the creatures of prejudice; and we seldom discover our mistake till dear bought experience has taught us the folly of our departure from truth. mistakes, la nothing is the which have arisen in consequence of this departure from rectitude, more obvious and extravagant, than in the opinions now almost generally prevailing as to the present state of society in France. Fully aware that the improveHow happy should I be, my Lord, ment which has taken place there, since if I could hope, that you and your col- the revolution, in the condition of the. leagues would take these questions into people, is the best proof that can be your serious consideration; if, Iraving now given of the superior excellence of the goseen that foreign war and domestic coer-vernment, ahncst all our political writers, fien, have so completely failed, at the particularly our news-paper press, have end of so many years, to produce that unceasingly represented the people of afety, which has been the professed ab- France to be completely demoralized, ject of your predecessors, in power, as her fields uncultivated, her manufactures well as of yourselves; if, after these annihilated, and the whole aspect of the fruitless endeavours, I could hope, that country reduced to a state of dreary waste you would make merely a trial of Par- and desolation. It was by base attempts liamentary rejerm; of that great mea- like these that a too successful clamour sare, which would renovate the natura! against the republicans was first excited; spirit, make us bear our inevitable bur-that the nations of Europe were infuriated dens with cheerfulness, and strengthen our love to our country! But, if I am torbidden to entertain this. hope, I will still flatter myself, that what I have said to embark in a bloody contest, and that they continued, for upwards of twenty years, to sacrifice their lives for the establishment of that "Social System,” and grity of her people.--After some prelimi uary remarks on the appearance of the houses, &c. at Dieppe, where Mr. Birbeck and his friends landed, he proceeds as follows. that "holy religion, "which, it is said, had been overthrown and profaned by the jacobins of France. The repose which the treaty of Paris had given to the continent, has served in a great measure to dissipate the delusion. Liberal minded and sensible men, who could not underWalking near the barracks, I was struck with the stand how a country demoralized and respectable appearance of the soldiers; several were seated under the trees, reading.-In the debased as France was represented to be, should be able to maintain its exis- evening the streets, the boulevards, the bourse, tence against the combined attacks of every convenient place was filled with groups of Europe, were desirous to satisfy them- people, of all descriptions, engaged in conversation. selves as to the cause of this unaccount- No rudeness in the men, no levity in the females ; able phenomenon. They visited France; politeness and chearful, sincere, good humour prethey observed the customs and mannersveiling on all sides. How different, thought I, of the people; they investigated the from an evening scene in a British sea-port! Yet progress of the arts, of manufactures, of Dieppe is said to be one of the coarsest places in agriculture, of Estucation; they particu- France. There is more appearance of enjoyment, larly informed themselves as to the national and less of positive suffering than I ever beheld character of the people, and the general before, or had any cone‹ption of; but it is not the aspect of the country; and the result of sort of enjoyment which suits my habits; I these inquiries, and observations bastion if I could be happy in their way. been, that the public are now in posession of a real picture of France, drawn from actual survey, by persons of undoubted credit,and who were under no temptation whatever to give a false colouring to the subject. Of the many works which have issued from the press on the present state of France, I have seen none so well calculated to give correct ideas 16specting it, as that published by Mr. Birbick. It is entitled "Notes of a Journey through France from Dieppe though Paris and Lyons to the Py-proved modes of text, fug the cindren of the poor. rennees, and back through Toulouse, "in July, August and September, 1814; descnbing the habits of the people, "and the agriculture of the coun"try."-It is my intention, as already stated, 10 give a summary analysis of this valuable production. It will form a striking contrast to the view of society and manners in France, before the revolution, as given by Mr. Arthur Young, and which has already appeared in the Register. The reader will observe that Mr. Birbeck is not an admirer of Napoleon. On the contrary, he freely censures what he considers reprehensible in his conduct, and more than once stigmatizes him with the epithet of" tyrant."--Yet it was under the Government of this "tyrant" that France made such prodigious progress, in the arts and sciences, and has acquired so high a character for moral conduct, and, what may be truly called the glory of a nation, for the strict inte ques What a pains-taking unfortunate race are we! So busy about living, that we really have not time to live! and our recreations have so much of vice in then, that serious folks have imagined it impossible to be both merry and wise. The people here, though infinitely behind us in the accommodations of life, seem to be as much our superiors in the art of living. I am informed that all the children of the labouring class learn to read; and are generally The relation between taught by their parents. a good education and 200 morals might be studied here, to advantage, by the opposers of our im On the subject of Education, our author afterwares that at Deville At a very poor in remote village, where we stepped on our morning's ride, the landlady kept a child's school, and her daughter was weaving cotton check; her sister kept a little shop, and was reading a translation of Young's Night Thoughts. This was more than we should have expected, in a village Ale-house, in England. The habits of the people more towards the South, he thus describes: Having quitted the Pyrennces, and entered on a district, where, instead of small fields, numerous villages, and a thick population, are large towns large divisions of land, and fewer people; I have to remark, on taking leave of my mountain friends, that their poverty is more in appearance than reality. They have frugal habits; and consider as luxuries, some things which may perhaps be among the necessaries of life in the estimation of their lowland neighbours. They are not an |