power which is only to be found in the hearts of the governed. Legislators may strut in office, and talk largely, but without the authority emanating from public confidence, it dwindles into mere puppetism, and becomes the Vox et præterea nihil. A potentate like Bonaparte, seated in the rightful throne of his people's choice and attachment, cannot be shifted from his imperial eminence without an extent of caruage that can never be warranted, and which cannot be hazarded without drawing on its authors execration and ruin.

VERITAS.

city; all these concurring circumstances, however much they served to recommend this document to the notice of the conductors of our newspapers, seem to have been considered by this venal crew, as affording good cause for its suppression. Even the conductor of the Morning Chronicle, whose columns have lately been stuffed with, what he has been pleased to call," Most important State Papers,” but which no one else regarded in that light; at least, which possessed only a secondary character. Even, I say, the penetrating, the impartial, the liberal politician, - Mr. Perry, could not, or rather would not, publish this interesting letter, in his immaINTERESTING DOCUMENTS.-In my last culate journal. If he believed it a forI had occasion to censure all our corrupt gery, why not say so, and give his reasons newspapers for suppressing the petition, for the assertion. If he considered it geand, some of them, the resolutions of the nuine, he merits execration for rejecting it. Livery of London against the threatened In refusing a place to a document of so war with France. I accused them of pub- much interest, he gives the most convincing lishing every thing calculated to inflame proofs that he is influenced by base and the public mind against the people and go- sordid motives, and that all his boasted atvernment of France, and to promote inter-tachment to the people's rights, is mere minable war; I said that they carefully kept out of view all those arguments, those statements of fact, and those public documents which demonstrate the impolicy of hostilities, and furnish a clear and explicit exposition of the actual state of France, the stability of the government, and the devotion of the people to their present ruler. This I have repeatedly shown to be the way in which our corrupt press is almost universally conducted. I have now before me a remarkable proof of this,

pretence, mere hypocritical cant, which is the more pernicious that it is wrapt in the veil of sincerity and truth. The following is the letter to which I allude, and which, as far as I have been able to discover, has not appeared in any of our newspapers, except in the Postscript of the 7th instant. I hope the conductor, or conductors, of that journal, whoever he or they may be, will meet that support, which his, or their impartiality, in this instance, merits.

if any proof was wanting to establish the Copy of a Dispatch from the Duke of

fact. A Sunday newspaper, entitled the Postscript, professing to be conducted on liberal principles, contained, in its last number, two documents, the one bearing to be a letter from Murat, king of Naples, to our Prince Regent, full of pacific sentiments, and the other a dispatch from the Duke of Otranto (Fouche) to Prince Metternich the Austrian Minister. This last I have given below. It will be read, I am sure, with great attention by all who deprecate war, and who are friendly to liberty. Nothing, indeed, could have been better written to expose the folly and futility of the arguments adduced by the war faction. But the ability which the writer has displayed, the conviction which every line carries with it of its truth, and the interual evidence which it bears of authenti

Otranto to Prince Metternich.

MY PRINCE-Every event has confirmed what I predicted to you six months ago.

You were too pre-occupied to hear me; hearken to me now with attention and confidence; we may, in the peculiar circumstances and the imminent situations in which we are placed, influence in a powerful manner, the approaching and perhaps eternal destinies of France, of Austria, and of Europe. You are deceived respecting what is going on, and what is preparing in the midst of us.You will judge of the reports of a people rash and blinded by the misfortunes which strike without the power to enlighten them. You are given to understand at Vienna, that Napoleon has been brought back to

to cause them to believe that they owe no thing to the justice which is due to all other men, and that in consideration of their personal hatred to Napoleon, they are authorised to rob the French of the sacred right of their independence, absolate and without limit, in the choice of the Chief of the Empire.-Victory has several times placed the political existence of the Powers of the North at the mercy of the Emperor Napoleon, and he has not wished to erase any one of them from the lists of nations. It is the wish of Alexander, whose name is revered amongst us, to dispense with our render

merit? Does the Emperor of Austria, in dethroning, contrary to his interests and those of his monarchy, his son-in-law, and his grand-son, wish to prove to the world, by the most astonishing and authentic of all examples, that among the most hideous of all the sentiments of human nature, hatred is that which has the

the throne by the army alone; that there are none on his side but a soldiery drunk with war. But forthwith you will know that our army has not been recruited in public houses. Generals, Captains, soldiers, all are drawn entirely from the bosom of the nation; and for 25 years our army has executed almost always their wishes and the laws by the most brilliant victories. How dare you tell us that it is the army alone which votes for Napoleon? Our legions do not range themselves more promptly under their colours than the Nation itself around his person and his throne. Almost every where on his route, the popular insurrec-ing to his virtues the homage which they tions in his favour preceded the presence of Napoleon. The Bourbons, reduced to seek in every place a Vendee, have not found it even in La Vendee itself. Of so many armies of volunteers, which they said they had in the South, not one is formed; and though some little bands trembled while they had at their head the Duke of Angouleme, they are become in-greatest sway over kings? The people trepid by passing under the tri-coloured are not disposed to believe it: and in this flag. The power of the nation consists in age of revolutions it might be better to take its talents as much as in its armed force. care to dissuade them from it. In short, They think now, or they express them- my Prince, when it shall be beyond doubt selves with respect to Napoleon, in the that France is resolved to display all her same manner in the towns, in the acade- forces, to expose all her destinies to supmies, and in the camps. Without doubt, port on his throne the man who is the liberty has been much restricted, but it object of her pride, who alone seems to has never been destroyed. Glory, at least, her capable of guaranteeing all the exiswas a compensation for France; she de- tences and all the relations proceeding from sired not aggrandisements of which we ab- Revolution; will the Princes at the Conjure the abuse; but she was not able to gress make the attempt, perhaps a vain support the abasement when she had one, to tear him from his throne, at the thrown off the government of the Bour- price of all the torrents of blood which bons. The French people feel the ex- this new war will cause to be spilled?treme want of peace, they wish it as they What pretexts will cover so many outwish for happiness; but if they be forced rages on reason, on justice, and on humainto a war, they believe that, under Na-nity?-They pretend that Napoleon canpoleon, they will not suffer disgrace. We do not wish, say the Powers assembled in Congress, to oblige France to take the Bourbons again; but Napoleon will not be recognised by us. France must choose another Chief; for, to restrict her, they add, we shall have, if necessary, 900,000 men. I shall not stop to discuss here the principles of the rights of nations: it is too evident that they are all violated by a similar pretention. The Emperor Napoleon may demand from the Emperor of Russia, from the Emperor of Austria, from the King of Prussia, in what manner he has merited from them, a hatred so violent, as

not offer any guarantee with respect to the durability of the peace of Europe; but what a strange mode of seeking this guarantee, to commence their research by replunging Europe in all the fury and horrors of war!-On the contrary, every thing announces, every thing establishes, that any Prince in Europe, at the present time, cannot give this guarantee of peace in the same degree as Napoleon.-No one has experienced so many dangers and vi cissitudes of war, so many unexpected and terrible reverses, as Napoleon. It is, in fact, a new life, as well as a new reign, which the Emperor Napolcon commences,

their own interests. On the approach of the Emperor Napoleon, and his armies, marching with animation to songs of liberty, Kings may be abandoned by their subjects, as the Bourbons have been by the soldiers on whom they depended with such confidence. Every throne will be subverted before kings will learn how to govern; and how many evils will be the work of Princes, capable by their virtues of rendering happy the greatest part of the world. How much will those Mos narchs and humanity be indebted to you, my Prince, if, by the wisdom of your counsels, you can dissuade them from the determination, in which they oppose inte rests and passions over which they ought to have no controul. I have only to renew, with the most lively expresssion, to your Highness, the assurances of the highest consideration.

(Signed) THE DUKE OF OTRANTO. Paris, April 23, 1815.

LETTER FROM MR. BIRKBECK.

after having understood, during a year, in | rant and too barbarous even to understand the Island of Elba, as in a tomb, every thing which truth as well as hatred, has told in Europe, respecting his first reign and his first life.-In fine, my Prince, France has given herself a new Constitution, which will not be a vain charter. It is no longer possible to use subtilty and deceit. The force of things will necessarily bring order and justice into social life. Our Constitution constitutes two Chambers. The sittings in both will be public. Thus France and Europe will understand every thing which will be said on peace and war; and every war, which shall not be one of justice and evident necessity, shall paralyse with terror the man who would kindle it in Europe, already bleeding from so many wars.-The coalesced Powers plume themselves on the immense number of men which they can collect. But, perhaps they may have calculated erroneously they may be deceived. If it were true, as they give out, that they have 900,000 men, fit for action, France, who has already 500,000, will soon have a million. I seek not to exaggerate the exultation which, in a similar war, will fix all the senses, and the enthusiasm with which their souls will be transported. Every man in France will become a soldier; every article of iron will be fabricated into a sabre, a bayonet, or a musket, every where, as in 1793, will be established manufactories of salt-petre, of powder, and of cannon. From the Rhine to the Pyrennees, from the Mediterranean to the Ocean, the diversions of the peasants, on Sundays and holidays, will be ilitary exercises; every commune, every village will be transformed into barracks; and the entire population of the Empire, arrayed as the National Guards, will be prepared to live in tents.-Already does France resound with war-songs, in which the acquirers of national domains, who harbour fears for their property; the friends of reason, who have been threatened with the return of superstition; the military, whose glory they have wished to tarnish; in short, all classes of citizens Infatuated by success, he forgot that he repeat with enthusiasm their ardent ex- owed it to the energies of a nation strugpressions of passions the most dear, and gling for freedom; and, mixing himself the most terrible.In this war, which will with kings, he became a foe to that liberty be, in fact, a crusade against the inde- from which he derived his greatness. He pondence of a nation, the contagion of the now acknowledges his error, and, if it be principles of the French Revolution, may in good faith, it is an instance of magnaind their way amongst people too igno.nimity new to the page of history.

Wanborough, May 4, 1815. SIR-The little work which has received your favourable notice is now going through a fourth edition. The appendix to the first, which I take the liberty of sending you, was printed separately for the accommodation of the purchasers of the first.

It is due to you as well as to myself to state, that I dont feel myself called upon by the new position which Napoleon has assumed, to qualify the terms in which I have censured the principles of his former government, because I am quite convinced that they were hostile to the best interests of his people, and perfectly inconsistent with political freedom.

I should have lamented as sincerely as I now rejoice at his restoration, had he, like Louis, recovered the throne unin structed by adversity, or through any other means than the consent of the people, conditionally granted.

The acts of his government have hitherto corresponded with these fair professions; and, as a pledge of their sincerity, he has received into his councils men of sound principles, and whose integrity he had himself exposed to the severest proof.

This consummation of the late glorious contest, though far more glorious than any which its most sanguine supporters have even imagined, is not entirely to the satisfaction of the old governments. They had rather see Bonaparte at the head of his army than surrounded by wise and just counsellors; and they are right. He is, in his present attitude, more formidable to the social system," as exemplified in the late Congress at Vienna, than when he was thundering at the gates of that capital. But why the people should be disturbed at the view of Napoleon in his present attitude, I dont understand, unless, indeed, their comforts depend on the security of two or three thrones, and the insecurity of the rest, according to the principles established at the said Congress. Yours, &c. MORRIS BIRKBECK.

THE ENDYMION AND PRESIDENT

the Endymion, which, no one ever doubt, ed, would be published in the Gazette. The Gazette appeared; but it contained no particulars from Captain Hope as to the actual engagement, or any detail by which it could be ascertained whether he fought the President single handed or not, or whether that ship surrendered to the Endymion or to aucther vessel belonging to our squadron. But from other accounts in the same Gazette, and particularly from the American official account, it turned out, as I had supposed, that more than one of our frigates was engaged; that the Pomone also had fought with the enemy; that it was to this ship the President actually struck; and that at the very moment this happened, a ship of the line, another frigate, and a sloop of war, belonging to us, were fast bearing down to attack her. It was plain, therefore, that the President had not surrendered to the Endymion, but that she surrendered to a British squadron, consisting of one sail of the line, three frigates and a sloop of war! It was also clear, that had the President and the Endymion fought single handed, the latter must have fallen into the hands of the former. Where then was the ground for exultation? Where When the news of the capture of the the proof, that the capture of the Frelatter of these vessels reached this coun-sident try, it was given out by our corrupt press, that she had surrendered to the former, with whom she had fought single-handed, and that no other of our ships of war had fired a shot at the President. This was trumpeted abroad by the Times and the Courier, and never to this hour has any of these venal prints retracted the assertion. On the contrary, they repeated it, again and again, and gravely assured their readers, that the result of the conflict betwixt the President and the Endymion, had redeemed all the naval glory which this country had lost during the previous contest at sea with the Americans! I was satisfied, on the first blush of the transaction, that the President had been en-ed, even by the commander of our own gaged with more of our frigates than one, fleet, as a capture by the squadron, and and, instead of the enemy losing any of not by a single ship. It proves that the the renown he had acquired, that this Endymion had on board, in addition to her battle, when the particulars came fully to usual complement, 50 men, one lieutenant, be known, would increase the splendour and one masters' mate, which shews that of his achievements. I said to those with the crew of the Endymion, the chief rewhom I conversed on the subject, that Iliance of every vessel of war, was more was willing to abide by the account of numerous than that of her rival. It also the battle. as given by Captain Hope of proves that the Endymion was completely

FRIGATES.

"redeemed all the naval glory "which this country had lost during the (6 previous contest at sea with the Ameri"cans?" I see, by files of papers which I have received from Philadelphia, that the conductors of newspapers at Bermuda, had imitated the example of our vile press, and had, like them, endeavoured to detract from the character of Commodore. Decatur, by representing that he had surrendered the President to a single British frigate. To expose the fallacy of this statement, the American Commodore addressed a letter to the Secretary of the Navy, an extract of which I have given below. This letter puts it beyond all question, that the President was consider

disabled in the action, and would, it is, more than probable, have become a prize to the President, had not the rest of our squadron come to her relief.

WASHINGTON, March 14.

and fatigues. Natives of different states acting together for the first time in this camp; differing in habits and in language, instead of viewing in these circumstances the germ of distrust and division, you have made them the source of an honourable emulation, and from the seeds of discord itself have reaped the fruits of an honourable union. This day completes the fourth week since fifteen hun

Extract of a letter from Com. Stephen Decatur to the Secretary of the Navy, dated New York, March 6th, 1815. "In my official letter of the 18th January, I omitted to state, that a consi-dred of you attacked treble your number derable number of my killed and wounded was from the fire of the Pomone; and that the Endymion had on board, in addition to her own crew, one Lieutenant, one Master's mate, and 50 men belonging to the Saturn, and when the action ceased, was left motionless and unmanagable until she bent new sails, rove new rigging and shed her spars, nor did she rejoin the squadron for six hours after the action, and three hours after the surrender of the President. My sword was delivered to Capt. Hays, of the Majestic, the senior officer of the squadron, on his quarterdeck, which he with great politeness immediately returned. I have the honor to enclose you my parole, hy which you will perceive that the British admit that the President was captured by the squadron. 1 should have deemed it necessary to have drawn your attention to this document, had not the fact been stated differently by the Bermuda Gazette on our arrival there, which statement, however, the editor was compelled to retract through the interference of the governor and some of the British officers of the squadron."

of men who boasted of their discipline, and their services under a celebrated leader in a long and eventful war-attacked them in their camp the moment they had profaned the soil of freedom with their hostile trade, and inflicted a blow which was a prelude to the final result of their attempt to conquer, or their poor contrivances to divide us.A few hours was sufficient to unite the gallant band; at the moment they received the welcome order to march they were separated many leagues in different directions from the city. The gay rapidity of the march, the cheerful countenances of the officers and men, would have induced a belief that some festive entertainment, not the strife of battle, was the object to which they hastened with so much eagerness and hilarity. In the conflict that ensued, the same spirit was supported, and my communications to the executive of the United States, have testified the sense I entertained of the corps and officers that were engaged. Resting on the field of battle, they retired in perfect order on the next morning to these lines, destined to become the scene of future victories, which they were to share with the rest of you,

After the disastrous retreat of the British army at New Orleans, General Jack-my brave companions in arms.-Reason, the American commander, published an animated and spirited Address to his army. The following passages will shew with what ardour and unanimity the soldiers of Liberty will always combat, when their rights and independence are in danger:

"Citizens and Fellow Soldiers,The enemy has retreated and your General bas now time to proclaim to the world what he has noticed with admiration and pride your undaunted courage, your patriotism, and patience under hardships

soning always from false principles the enemy expected little opposition from men whose officers even were not in uni form; who were ignorant of the rules of dress, and who had never been caned into discipline-Fatal mistake! a fire incessantly kept up, directed with calmness and with unerring aim, strewed the field with the brave officers and men of the column which slowly advanced, according to the most approved rules of European tactics, and was cut down by the untutored age of American militia.

Printed and Published by G. HoUSTON, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded..