Morgan, Pottle, Parker, Kelsey, Andrews, Sherman, 3. Total, 120. NATS. manded the previous question. The call for the previous question was lost by the casting vote of the Speaker: 108 to 108. Very much to the surprise of the House, Mr. English, of Indiana, who had acted with the Anti-Lecompton party up to this time, moved that the House agree to a Conference Committee, and that a committee of three be appointed by the Speaker to meet a similar committee of the Senate, and on this he called for the previous question, which was ordered. The Yeas and ALABAMA.-Stallworth, Shorter, Dowdell, Moore, Hous-Nays were called, and the vote stood 108 to ton, Cobb, Curry-7. ARKANSAS.-Greenwood, Warren-2. CALIFORNIA. -Scott-1. CONNECTICUT.-Arnold, Bishop-2. 108: the Speaker voting in the affirmative, Mr. English's proposition was agreed to. The Yeas and Nays were as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. Ahl, Anderson, Atkins, Avery, Barksdale, Bishop, Bocock, Bonham, Bowie, Boyce, Branch, GEORGIA.-Seward, Crawford, TRIPPE, Gartrell, Wright, Bryan, Burnett, Burns, Caruthers, Caskie, Clark (Mo.), Jackson, HILL, Stephens-8. INDIANA -Niblack, Hughes, Gregg-3. LOUISIANA.-EUSTIS, Taylor, Davidson, Sandidge-4. -5. MISSISSIPPI.-Lamar, R. Davis, Barksdale, Singleton, Quitman-5. NEW-JERSEY.-Huyler, Wortendyke-2. New YORK.-Searing, Taylor, Sickles, Kelly, Maclay, PENNSYLVANIA.-Florence, Landy, Phillips, Glancy Jones, Leidy, Dimmick, White, Ahl, Gi'lis, Reilly, Dewart-11. SOUTH CAROLINA.-McQueen, Miles, Keitt, Bonham, Boyce-5. TENNESSEE.-Watkins, MAYNARD, S. A. Smith, Savage, VIRGINIA.-Garnet, Millson, Caskie, Goode, Bocock, RECAPITULATION. Yeas. Clay, Clemens, Clingman, Cobb, John Cochrane, Craig (Mo.), Craige (N. C.), Crawford, Curry, Davidson, Davis (Miss.), Dewart, Dowdell, Edmundson, Elliot, English, Eustis, Faulkner, Florence, Garnett, Gartrell, Goode, Greenwood, Gregg, Hall (Ohio), Hatch, Hawkins, Hill, Hopkins, Houston, Hughes, Jackson, Jenkins, Jewett, Jones (Tenn.), J. Glancy Jones, Owen Jones, Keitt, Kelly, Kunkel (Md.), Lamar, Landy, Leidy, Letcher, Maclay, McQueen, Mason, Maynard, Miles, Miller, Millson, Moore, Niblack, Orr, Pendleton, Peyton, Phelps, Phillips, Powell, Quitman, Ready, Reagan, Ruffin, Russell, Sandidge, Savage, Scales, Scott, Searing, Seward, Shaw (N. C.), Shorter, Singleton, Smith (Tenn.), Smith (Va.), Stallworth, Stephens, Stevenson, Stewart (Md.), Talbott, Taylor (N. Y.), Tippe, Ward, Warren, Watkins, White, Winslow, Woodson, Wortendyke, Wright (Ga.), Wright (Tenn.), Zollicoffer-109. [The four in italics had hitherto voted anti-Lecompton.] NAYS.-Messrs. Abbott, Andrews, Bennett, Billinghurst, Bingham, Blair, Bliss, Brayton, Buffinton, Burlingame, Burroughs, Campbell, Case, Chaffee, Chapman, Clark Conn.), Clark (N. Y.), Clawson, Cockerill, Colfax, Comins, Covode, Cox, Cragin, Curtis, Damrell, Davis (Md.), Davis (Ind.), Davis (Mass.), Davis (Iowa), Dawes, Dean, Dick, Dodd, Durfee, Edie, Farnsworth, Fenton, Foley, Foster, Giddings, Gilman, Gooch, Goodwin, Granger, Groesbeck, Grow, Hall (Mass.), Harlan, Harris (Md.), Harris, (Ill.), Haskin, Hickman, Hoard, Horton, Howard, Kellogg, Kelsey, Knapp, Lawrence, Leiter, Lovejoy, Marshall (Ky.) Marshall (Ill.), Matteson, Montgomery, Mor Republicans, 92; Democrats, 22; Americans, 6. Total gan, Morrill, Morris (Penn,) Morris (Ill.), Morse (Me.), -120. Nays. Democrats, 104; Americans, 8. Total-112. The bill having been returned to the Senate on the second day of April, Mr. Green moved to disagree to the House amendment which motion was adopted: Yeas, 34, Nays, 22. The following are the Nays: Morse (N. Y.), Mott, Murray, Nichols, Palmer, Pettit, Pike, Potter, Pottle, Purviance, Ricaud, Ritchie, Robbins, Royce, Shaw (Ill.), Sherman (Ohio), Sherman (N. Y.), Smith (Ill.), Spinner, Stanton, Stewart (Penn.), Tappan, Thompson, Tompkins, Underwood, Wade, Walbridge, Waldron, Walton, Washburne (IL), Washburne (Me.), Wilson, Wood-108. The following, not voting, had paired off: Adrain with Huyler, Dimmick with McKibbin, Gillis Messrs. Broderick, Cameron, Chandler, Clark, Col- with Roberts, Clark B. Cochrane with Sickles, Reilly lamer, Crittenden, Dixon, Doolittle, Douglas, Fessenden, with Thayer, Taylor (La.) with Kunkel (Pa.), WashFoot, Foster, Hale, Hamlin, Harlan, King, Seward, Sim-burne (Wis.) with Arnold, Olin with Corning." Whitemons, Stuart, Trumbull, Wade, Wilson. ley, absent. In the House of Representatives, on the 7th of April, Mr. Montgomery, of Pennsylvania, moved that the House adhere to its amend. ment, which motion was carried, Yeas, 119, Nays 111-the vote being the same as on the adoption of the amendment, with the exception of Messrs. Marshall and Bowie, who paired off and did not vote. The Committee of Conference was composed of Messrs. James S. Green, (Mo.), Robert M. T. Hunter, (Va ), and William H. Seward, (N. Y ), of the Senate; and Messrs. William II. English, (Ind.), Alexander H. Stephens, (Ga.), and William A. Howard, (Mich.), on the part of the House. On the 23d of April, the Committee made their report (susceptible of various interpretations), Messrs. Seward of the Senate, and Howard, of the House, dissenting. After a running fight of a week between the friends and opponents of the new scheme, on the 30th of April, the report of the Committee was adopted by both branches of Congress. It was as follows: On the 13th of April, the Senate voted to insist and ask for a conference committee, Yeas, 30, Nays, 24-the Nays being the same as the Nays on Mr. Green's motion to disagree, with the addition of Messrs. Bell and Sumner. On the following day, the House received a message from the Senate insisting on its disagreement and asking a committee of conference, An Act for the Admission of the State of Kansas when Mr. Montgomery, of Pa., moved that the of Kansas did, by a convention of delegates assembled into the Union.-Whereas, the people of the Territory House insist on its adherence, or which he deat Lecompton on the 7th day of Nov., 1857, for that pur pose, form for themselves a constitution and State | held that the people of Kansas do not desire adınıssion into government, which constitution is republican; and whereas, at the same time and place, said convention did adopt an ordinance, which said ordinance asserts that Kansas, when admitted as a State, will have an undoubted right to tax the lands within her limits belonging to the United States, and proposes to relinquish said asserted right if certain conditions set forth in said ordinance be accepted and agreed to by the Congress of the United States; and whereas, the said constitution and ordinance have been presented to Congress by order of said convention, and admission of said Territory into the Union thereon as a State requested; and whereas, said ordinance is not acceptable to Congress, and it is desirable to ascertain whether the people of Kansas concur in the changes in said ordinance, hereinafter scated, and desire admission into the Union as a State as herein proposed: Therefore, the Union with said Constitution under the conditions set Be it enacted, etc., That the State of Kansas be, and At the said election the voting shall be by ballot, and by indorsing on his ballot, as each voter may be pleased, "Proposition accepted," or "Proposition rejected." Should a majority of the votes cast be for "Proposition accepted," the President of the United States, as soon as the fact is duly made known to him, shall announce the same by proclamation; and thereafter, and without any further proceedings on the part of Congress, the admission of the State of Kansas into the Union upon an equal footing with the original States in all respects whatever shall be complete and absolute; and said State shall be entitled to one member in the 'House of Representatives in the Congress of the United States until the next census be taken by the Federal Government. But should a majority of the votes cast be for “Proposition rejected," it shall be deemed and | on conviction thereof before any court of competent jurisdiction, be kept at hard labor not less than six months and not more than three years. § 4. And be it further enacted, That the members of the aforesaid board of commissioners, and all persons appointed by them to carry into effect the provisions of this act, shall, before entering upon their duties, take an oath to perform faithfully the duties of their respective offices and on failure thereof, they shall be liable and subject to the same charges and penalties as are provided in like cases under the Territorial laws. § 5. And be it further enacted, That the officers mentioned in the preceding section shall receive for their services the same compensation as is given for like services under the Territorial laws. The vote in the Senate, on agreeing to the Conference Committee's Report, stood-Yeas, 30; Nays, 22; as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. Allen, Bayard, Benjamin, Bigler, Biggs, Bright, Brown, Clay, Davis. Evans, Fitzpatrick, Green, Gwin, Hammond, Houston, Hunter, Iverson, Johnson (Ark) In the House, on the final vote, among those who had voted against the original Lecompton Bill and who now supported the English scheme, were Gilmer, Am., of N. C., and the following Democrats, viz.: English and Foley, of Ind; Cockerill, Cox, Groesbeck, Hall, Lawrence and Pendleton, of Ohio; and Owen Jones, of Pa. Gen. Quitman, of Mississippi, and Mr. Bonham, of S. C., fire eaters, voted No, and the following members "paired off," viz.: Washburn (Wis.) with Arnold; Matteson with Reuben Davis; Purviance with Dimmick; Morrill with Faulkner; Horton with Hill; J. C. Kunkel with Miles Taylor; Montgomery with Warren; Thompson with Stewart (Md.); and Wood with George Taylor. In accordance with this act of Congress, the people of Kansas went into an election on the 3d of August, 1858. Notwithstanding the liberal offers in regard to donations to Kansas of public lands, in this bill, and the threat that if the people did not accept a State Government with the Lecompton Constitution, they should not be permitted to come in as a State with any Constitution, till they should have a full population of 93,340, still, the Lecompton Constitution was again rejected by more than ten thousand majority. This may be regarded as the final disposition of this famous Constitution. From first to last, it had been the cause or the subject of more speeches in Congress than any measure ever brought before that body. THE WYANDOT CONSTITUTION. retaining as a part of the new State the western gold region about Pike's Peak, which was beginning to attract great numbers of immigrants; for the exclusion from the State of free negroes, and for the prohibition of bank issues, but had been defeated as to all these points. ries of the new State were declared to be the By the Constitution, as adopted, the boundaState of Missouri on the east, the 37th parallel of north latitude on the south, the 41st parallel of north latitude on the north, and the 23d meridian of longitude west from Washington on the west. the Pike's Peak region and the desert which The western boundary cuts off bounds it on the east, and limits the new State to the habitable eastern portion of the Territory, embracing an area of some sixty thousand square miles. The Executive is to consist of a Governor, Secretary of State, Auditor, Attorney-General, and Superintendent of Public Schools, to be chosen by the people, and to serve for two years. The House of Representatives is to consist of seventy-five members, to serve one year, and the Senate of twenty-five Senators, to serve two years, the numbers to be regulated by law, but never to exceed one hundred Representatives, and thirty-three Senators. The pay is to be three dollars a day and fifteen cents per mile travel. All bills must originate with the House, and no act can include more than one subject. The Supreme chosen by the people, to hold office for six Court is to consist of three Judges, to be years, one to go out every two years. There are to be five District Judges, to be chosen by The Territorial Legislature passed an act the people of their respective districts, and to (Feb. 11, 1859) to refer the question to the serve for four years. Each county is to choose people of a new Constitutional Convention, the a Judge of Probate, to serve for two years, election to be held on the first Tuesday in and each township is to choose Justices of the March, 1859. The election was held, and Peace, to serve also for two years. Elections resulted in a majority of 3,881 in favor of a are to be by ballot. are to be by ballot. Every white male adult Convention. This result being ascertained, the who is a citizen of the United States, or who has Governor issued his proclamation for an elec- declared his intention to become one, having tion of delegates. The old party organizations been a resident in the State for six months, and were now abandoned, and those of Republicans | in the precinct for thirty days, is entitled to vote. and Democrats substituted, and it was on this The State is prohibited from becoming a basis that the canvass for the election of dele-party in carrying on any work of internal imgates proceeded. The Convention was to provement, nor can any debt, to exceed a milconsist of fifty-two delegates. The Democrats | lion of dollars, be contracted, unless the quesproclaimed themselves disciples of Mr. Douglas tion be previously submitted to, and the debt and his Territorial Sovereignty doctrine, and decidedly opposed to making Kansas a Slave State. The Leavenworth district, where, through its contractors for army supplies, the Government exercised a great influence, and which from its population was entitled to ten delegates, elected the Democratic ticket, not, however, without the aid of fraudulent votes. But the Republicans, by their predominance in other parts of the Territory, succeeded in securing a majority in the Convention of thirty-of 500,000 acres of land, to meet the claims five to seventeen. authorized by, a popular vote; and in all cases a special tax must be levied sufficient to pay the interest and provide a sinking fund adequate to meet the principal when it becomes due. All corporations, banks included, must be established under general laws only, and the corporators made liable to twice the amount of their stock. The sale of lottery tickets is prohibited. The schedule annexed to the Constitution claimed of Congress $500,000, or in lieu there audited to nearly that amount for losses inThe Convention met at Wyandot on the 5th curred by citizens of Kansas during the late of July, and adjourned on the 27th of the same troubles. The Commissioners had declined to month, after adopting a Constitution by a vote entertain the claim of the New-England Emiof thirty-four to thirteen, all the Democrats grant Aid Society, to the amount of $25,000, present voting against it and refusing to sign for the destruction of their hotel at Lawrence, it. They had strenuously contended, in the on the ground that they had no authority to Convention, for the annexation to Kansas of act on any claims except those presented by that part of Nebraska south of the Platte; for citizens of Kansas, and the Convention de clined to go beyond the report of the Commis- DAVIS, Edmundson. English (Indiana), Garnett, Gar as a school fund. Prefixed to the Constitution is a Bill of Rights, which includes a prohibition of Slavery. This Bill of Rights also provides that no person shall be incompetent to testify on account of his religious belief. 55 Democrats, in Italics, (3 from Free States), Total, PAIRED-D a v is (Indiana), with Phelps. Somes with McClay (N.Y.) 78 ABSENT UNPAIRED-Davis (Mis.), Landrum, Martin, (Va.), Kunkel. By a provision of the schedule, this Constitution was submitted to a popular vote on the first Tuesday in October, which resulted in its ratification by the people by a majority of some four thousand. The Territorial election in November attracted but little interest from the general expectation of the admission of the State under the new Constitution. The RepubSenate, Feb. 21st. -Mr. Seward introduced a licans, however, succeeded in electing their bill for the admission of Kansas under the delegate to Congress and a majority of the Wyandotte Constitution. On the 5th June, this bill being under conLegislature. He de The first State Election under this Constitu-sideration, tion was held December 6, 1859, and resulted Mr Wigfall, of Tex., explained his views. in the election of Charles Robinson (Rep.) as Governor by 2513 majority. Martin F. Conway (Rep.) for Congress by 2107 majority, and the entire Republican ticket for State officers by majorities ranging from 2000 to 2,500, also a Legislature which was Republican in both branches by very decided majorities. clared he would not vote for the admission of this so called State, under any circumstances. He objected to Mr. Greene's amendment, to change the boundary Mr. Hunter moved to postpone the subject, and take up the Army bill. Feb. 15-Mr. Grow introduced in the House, Mr. Trumbull opposed the motion. He should keer a bill to admit Kansas under the Wyandot Con- the Kansas bill before the Senate till it was finally disstitution. Referred to Committee on Territo-posed of. It was more important than the appropriation bills, which appeared to be kept back in order to ries, which (March 29th) reported (majority) interrupt other important business. through Mr. Grow in favor of admission. April 11.-Mr. Grow demanded the Previous Question on the passage of the Bill, which was seconded, and the main question ordered. Mr. Barksdale, demanded the Yeas and Nays -ordered. The question was then taken, and decided in the affirmative: Yeas, 134; Nays, 73, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Chas. F. Adams, A drain, Aldrich, Allen, Alley, Ashley, Babbitt, Barr, Barrett, Beale, Bingham, Blair (Pa.), Blake, Brayton, BRIGGS, Buffinton, Burch, Burlingame, Burnham, Butterfield, Campbell, Carey, Carter, Case, Horace F. Clark, Clark B. Cochrane, John Cochrane, Colfax, Conkling, Cooper, Corwin, Covode, Cox, Curtis, Dawes, Delano, Duell, Dunn, Edgerton, Edwards, Elliot, Ely, ETHERIDGE, Farnsworth, Fenton, Ferry, Florence Foster, Fouke, Frank, French, Gooch, Grow, Gurley, Hale, Hall, H a skin, Helmick, Hickman, Hoard, Holman, Ioward (Ohio), Humphry, Hutchins, Irvine, Junkin, Francis W. Kellogg, William Kellogg, Kenyon, Kilgore, Killinger, Larrabee, De Witt C. Leach, Lee, Logan, Longnecker, Loomis, Lovejoy, Marston, Chas. D. Martin, McClernand, McKean, McKnight, McPherson, Wm. Montgomery, Moorehead, Morrill, Edward Joy Morris, Isaac N. Morris, Morse, Niblack, Nixon, Olin, Palmer, Pendleton, Perry, Pettit, Porter, Potter, Pottle, Rice, R'i g g s, Christopher Robinson, James C. Robin son, Royce, Schwartz, Scranton, Sedgwick, Spaulding, Spinner, Stanton, Stevens, Wm. Stewart, Stout, Stratton, Tappan, Thayer, Theaker, Tompkins, Train, Trimble, Vallandigham, Vandever, Verree, Waldron, Walton, C. C. Washburn, E. B. Washburne, Israel Washburn, WEBSTER, Wells, Wilson, Windom, Wood, Woodruff. Republicans, in Roman, Democrats (from Free States.), in Italics, Total, 103 22 6 3 134 Mr. Seward hoped the friends of Kansas would let a The vote was taken by yeas and nays, and resulted, So the motion to postpone, and take up the Army Mr. Trumbull called attention to the fact that the Senator from Pennsylvania (Bigler) desired to postpone He said the effect of the vote just taken was equivalent to the defeat of the Kansas bill, and the Senator from Pennsylvania must have known the effect of his vote. Mr. Wigfall desired to call attention to the fact that the House had once defeated the Army bill, because it did not want the army used against the Black Republican thieves and murderers in Kansas. June 7.-Mr. Wade, of Ohio, moved to take Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, NAYS-Messrs. Bayard, Benjamin, Bragg, Bright, NAYS-Messrs. GREEN ADAMS, Thos. L. Anderson, WM. C. ANDERSON. Ashmore,Avery Barksdale, Bocock, Bon-nedy and Saulsbury absent. ham, BOTELER, Boyce, BRABSON Branch, BRISTOW, Burnett, John B. Clark, Clopton, Cobb, James Craig Burton Craige, Crawford, Curry, Davidson, HENRY W So both Houses adjourned and left Kansas still in the condition of a Territory. THE NEBRASKA DOCTRINE AND THE DRED SCOTT DECISION REVIEWED, SPEECH OF THE HON. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, At Springfield, Ill., June 17, 1858. [The following speech was delivered at Springfield, Ill., at | the close of the Republican State Convention held at that time and place, and by which Convention Mr. Lincoln had been named as their candidate for U. S. Senator.] Mr. President, and GentlemEN OF THE CONVENTION: If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise, of putting an end to Slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. "A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved-I do not expect the house to fall-but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new-North as well as South. Have we no tendency to the latter condition? Let any one who doubts, carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal combination-piece of machinery, so to speak-compounded of the Nebraska doctrine, and the Dred Scott Decision. Let him consider not only what work the machinery is adapted to do, and how well adapted; but also, let him study the history of its construction, and trace, if he can, or rather fail, if he can, to trace the evidence of design, and concert of action, among its chief architects, from the beginning, The new year of 1854 found Slavery excluded from more than half the States by State Constitutions, and from most of the national territory by Congressional prohibition. Four days later, commenced the struggle which ended in repealing that Congressional prohibition. This opened all the national territory to Slavery, and was the first point gained. But, so far, Congress only had acted: and an indorsement by the people, real or apparent, was indispensable, to save the point already gained, and give chance for more. This necessity had not been overlooked; but had been provided for, as well as might be, in the notable argument of "squatter sovereignty," otherwise called sacred right of self-government," which latter phrase, though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so perverted in this attempted use of it as to amount to just this: That if any one man choose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed to object. That argument was incorporated into the Nebraska bill itself, in the language which follows: "It being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate Slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of "Squatter Sovereignty," and " and "sacred right of self-government." "But," said opposition members, "let us amend the bill so as to expressly declare that the people of the Territory may exclude Slavery." "Not we," said the friends of the measure; and down they voted the amendment. While the Nebraska bill was passing through Congress, a law case involving the question of a negro's freedom, by reason of his owner having voluntarily taken him first into a Free State and then into a Territory covered by the Congressional prohibition, and held him as a slave for a long time in each, was passing through the United States Circuit Court for the District of Missouri; and both Nebraska bill and law suit were brought to a decision in the same month of May, 1854. The negro's name was "Dred Scott," which name now designates the decision finally made in the case. Before the then next Presidential Election, the law case came to, and was and was argued in, the Supreme Court of the United States; but the decision of it was deferred until after the election. Still, before the election, Senator Trumbull, on the floor of the Senate, requested the leading advocate of the Nebraska bill to state his opinion whether the people of a Territory can constitutionally exclude Slavery from their limits; and the latter answers: "That is a question for the Supreme Court.” The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the indorsement, such as it was, secured. That was the second point gained. The indorsement, however, fell short of a clear popular majority by nearly four hundred thousand votes, and so, perhaps, was not overwhelmingly reliable and satisfactory. The outgoing President, in his last annual message, as impressively as possible, echoed back upon the people the weight and authority of the indorsement. The Supreme Court met again; did not announce their decision, but ordered a re-argument. The Presidential inauguration came, and still no decision of the court; but the incoming President in his inaugural address, fervently exhorted the people to abide by the forthcoming decision, whatever it might be. Then in a few days, came the decision. The reputed author of the Nebraska bill finds an early occasion to make as peech at this capital, indorsing the Dred Scott decision, and vehemently denouncing all opposition to it. The new President, too, seizes the early occasion of the Silliman letter to indorse and strongly construe that decision, and to express his a3tonishment that any different view had ever been entertained! At length a squabble springs up between the President and the author of the Nebraska bill, on the mere question of fact, whether the Lecompton Constitution was or was not, in any just sense, made by the people of Kansas; and in that quarrel the latter declares that all he wants is a fair vote for the people, and that he cares not whether Slavery be voted down or voted up. I do not understand his declaration that he cares not whether Slavery be voted down or voted up, to be intended by him other than as an apt definition of the policy he would impress upon the public mind- the principle for which he declares he has suffered so much, and is ready to suffer to the end. And well may he cling to that principle. If he has any parental feeling, well may he cling to it. That principle is the only shred left of his original Nebraska doctrine. Under the Dred Scott decision "squatter sovereignty" squatted out of existence, tumbled down like temporary scaffolding-like the mold at the foundry served through one blast and fell back into loose sand-helped to carry an election, and then was kicked to the winds. His late joint struggle with the Republicans, against the Lecompton Con |