the matter in this light! In this light, however, a man must view it, and upon these principles must he act, or, as to any hostile movement against coruption, öz? public robbery, he had better remdri quiet. It is, as we see by this Address to Queen Anne, the lot ofàm sówko dearçs": "to do right to his country," to have his those, who, out of the public raise great estates to themselves; by those who have raised great estates, when, it is evident, they have had no lawful means to attain them; by those, who, being united in guilt and interest, endeavour to amuse and impose upon the people. This, we see, is the lot, the inevitable fate of that man, be he who he may, that "desires to -When I first being part of the people; and, as no good man, no man of proper sentiments, can, without pain, know, that he is looked upon, by a considerable part of his countrymen, as being a villain; so, there are very few men indeed, especially if they have families whose feelings also are to be consulted, who can muster up the courage to expose themselves to the torrents of lies," reputation taken away," if possible, by. which are sure to be poured out against them, the moment they openly declare themselves the enemies of public robbery. For my own part, I have now been so long used to bear the calumnies of these mise able wretches, and am so happy in the conscious innocence, good sense, and fortitude of those, whose uneasiness under a participation in such calumnies could not fail deeply to affect me, that I care no-"do right to his country.' thing at all about any thing that is said cast my eye upon the passage, against me, through such channels. I" united in guilt and interest, &c. &c." I. know, that there is a certain part of the could not help thinking of the she-pecupeople, who believe that I am what lators and robbers, who as they came the advocates of the Public Robbers de- down into this county, last summer, scribe me to be. Very many there are, tossed the forged documents and base ca who, from a refinement in baseness, only lumnies against me down in the streets of affect to believe it; who know better, but, the towns and villages, through which who are very desirous that others should they passed. "United in guilt and intecontinue in error. But, after all, I know, "rest;" haunted by the double dread of that there are, and that there must be, punishment and poverty; such were the great number of people, who do sincerely wretches, who published and circulated believe, that I am what the advocates of against me the calumnies of last summer; the Robbers describe me to be. Well; and such are the wretches, who are now, I cannot help this. It is no fault of mine. by all the arts that craft and malice can I know, that the greater part of well-in-devise, endeavouring to take away the reputaformed people are perfectly convinced, that all that has been said against me by these knaves is false. And, then, I have always perceived, that one effect of such abominable falsehoods being published against me is, to create inquiry, personal inquiry, into my character, and my conduct in private life; and, such inquiry has produced a wonderful impression in my favour. Another effect of the calumnies against me has been to bind my friends more firmly to me. They, at any rate, well know how false and how malicious are the charges alledged against me by the advocates of the Robbers: they must, of course, feel indignation at those charges; and the effect of that indignation is an increase of attachment to me. So that, upon the whole, if one can but bring one's mind to be tranquil under the knowledge, that one is thought ill of by a considerable part of one's country-men, one gets nearly as much as one loses by the calumnies. But, how few men are there in this, or in any country, who can be brought to view tion of Mr. Wardle.To return a little PARLIAMENT. The Session which opened on Tuesday last, the 23rd instant, has discovered, to those, who believed, or pretended to believe, that the Ministry would be left in a minority, that even this ministry can command a majority as well as any other.The KING'S SPEECH and the ADDRESS, will all be found at the end of these remarks. There is nothing, which, at present, I shall remark upon in the first; and the second is, as usual, a mere echo of the first. The Amendment was as foilows: After the word "That," in the second paragraph of the speech, to insert these words: That we have seen "with the utmost sorrow and indignation "the accumulated failures and disasters "waste of our national resources, and the "loss of so many thousands of our brave troops, whose distinguished and heroic "valour has been unprofitably sacrificed "in enterprizes, productive not of advantage, but of lasting injury to their coun"try-Enterprizes marked only by a re"petition of former errors, tardy and "uncombined, incapable in their success "of aiding our Ally in the critical mo "ment of his fate, but exposing in their "failure his Majesty's Councils to the seen with a gown or a pair of shoes finer | shall be found to have committed frauds than she can be expected to have bought upon the public purse, no matter in what with her own means, and at the same way it may have been done. lime, with a gold watch, or some other trinket, she is carried before a justice of the pence. to give an account of the means by, witiethese.fingits got into her possession. And, why, let me ask, is not a public officer, or accountant, to be made to give an account of the means by which his estates have been so suddenly attained? ---Well, but how were sentiments, such as these, relished by QUEEN ANNE? What did she say to a parliament that held such language to her? Did she give an answer discovering a partiality for the Public Robbers, of whom the House of Commons complained? Did she shew, that she loved such vermin? or did she show, that she hated them?She said: "I shall con"sider the several particulars of your Ad-" of the last campaign, the unavailing "dress, and always have great regard to the "representations of the House of Com"mons, and to the true interests of Eng"land." And she was as good as her word; for she, with sincerity, set to work to reform abuses, to punish peculators, and to set, in her own manners and conduct, an example of moral virtue, and of œconomy without loss of dignity. Out of her own revenue she voluntarily gave large sums, in order to make up for the falling off of the public revenue; and, in her Speech at the conclusion of the first Session of Parliament, held in her reign, the war having then begun: "I must not con"clude," said she," without acquainting "you, I have given directions, that my part of all the Prizes, which have been, or shall be, taken during the war, be ap"plied entirely to the public service; and, I hope my own revenue will not fall so short, but that I may be able, as I desire, "to contribute yet further to the ease of my " people.' -She did all this too. These were not empty professions; and, it has, with great truth, been observed, that her honest and fair dealing towards her people, was one of the greatest glories of her glorious reign. She was no hypocrite; her heart was truly English; and, during her reign England attained a height, from which, I have always thought, she has since been sinking. Never can she rise again, unless | there be a House of Commons to act upon the principles expressed in the Address, part of which I have taken for my motto, unless there be a House of Commons, who will act a faithful part towards the people, and punish, really punish, all those who " " scorn and derision of the enemy. "That we therefore feel ourselves bound, "with a view to the only atonement that "now can be made to an injured people, "to institute, without delay, such rigorous and effectual inquiries and proceedings "as duty impels us to adopt, in a case "where our country has been subjected to unexampled calamity and disgrace." This is very good; exceedingly proper; nothing could be more true; but, for all that, there were, in the House of Lords, only 92 for it, while there were 144 against it; and, in the Commons, there were only 167 for it, while there were 263 against it; leaving the ministers a majority of 52 in one House and of 96 in the other.Well, then, MR. WINDHAM, What do you now think? You still think, of course, that there needs no reform of the parliament; but, pray, admit, then, that the ministers are right; or, at least, that the nation, through its competent representatives, think the ministers right.The Anti-Reformists, who were for this Amendment, must now be strangely puzzled. I give them joy, with all my heart, of this 66 66 "its sanction to such measures, nothing could more clearly evince that silent but ac "tual and alarming change, which was said to "have taken place in the British constitution: nothing could more indisputably shew "the resemblance between the govern"ment of this country and those old go"vernments of Europe, which, weighed "down by the influence of corruption and imbecility, fell successively a certain and easy prey, to the superior wisdom and "energies of the power which has enslaved them.". Well, then, Sir, we take you at your word. Parliament has, in its vote of that night, given its support to "such "rulers;" nay, it has, by a decided majority, given all the proofs, of which you spoke. Well, will you join us, then, Sir? Will you ask for a reform of that parliament? I do not recollect having seen your name amongst those of the few members, who, in the last session, voted for a resolution upon that subject. What is to be done then? You say, Sir:-" At this mo"ment the whole power of France, which engrossed the whole means and resources "of Europe, was at the command of that great and consummate general and "statesman, who contained in himself all "the shining qualities of those men, who, "at any time, by their talents, rendered decision against inquiry, and, in order to console them, I beg leave just to remind them of their vote against inquiry, in the case of MR. MADOCKS'S MOTION, relative to the seat of MR. QUINTIN DICK, and the censure, which some of them then bestowed, with no sparing hand, upon all those, who were anxious for inquiry upon that subject, a subject of ten thousand times greater importance to the people of England, than the subjects, as to which they now voted for inquiry.- -As to the present case, however, I can discover no argument at all against the Amendment, and, if objectionable, it was so only upon the ground of its leaving in existence any part of the original motion, every word of which, except the first word " that," I would have swept away.- -It was said, by some, that the censure, contained in the amendment was premature; that it condemned the ministers unheard. Why, there they were to be heard; there they were to speak for themselves; there they were to defend themselves. And, besides, is not what is stated in the Amendment notoriously true? Is there any one of its assertions, of the truth of which any man in this kingdom has the smallest doubt? And, if this was the case, what occasion was there for any previous steps? What had the Houses to do but to come to a vote upon the subject at once.I have not time to enter into remarks, at any length, upon the Debate; but, I cannot help taking an extract or two from the speech of the HON. MR. WARD, who seconded the motion for the Amendment, and from the speech of MR. WHITBREAD.- -MR. WARD said: "If the Parliament was ever to act, "it should act at the present moment: " and if it should not act now, he was sure "it would not act at all. If that House were to resign its inquisitorial power as to the acts of any set of men, and to renounce the salutary controul which it the gentlemen below him-(on the Op" used to exercise over the Servants of the "position Benches) for that combination "Crown, it would, he was convinced, be "of wisdom and experience, which alone a proof of the decay of parliamentary virtue, "could be effectual for the salvation of "and an unerring symptom of the decline "the country in its present critical cir"of the true spirit of the constitution. It "cumstances. He was convinced that, "was matter of astonishment, that after "in coming into office, they would be in"such a series of unexampled calamities, "fluenced by no unworthy motives. They "his Majesty's Ministers, over the greater "would succeed to shattered means, to "number of whom the terrors of impeach"exhausted resources, and to unsuccessment were impending, should dare to "ful armies. They would succeed to "remain in office (Hear! Hear!). But dangers and difficulties, which would "if Parliament should, without any regard to their past conduct, think proper "to give its support to such rulers, or lend " " France formidable to this country; who "united the policy of Richelieu with the military genius of Turenne, and added "the inordinate ambition of Louis XIV, "to the enterprise and activity of Conde. "When they reflected upon all this, they must be sensible of the infatua"tion of trusting to any thing but the "combination of all the ability and "wisdom in the nation for a successful "resistance to the great and extraordinary power against which we were opposed. "In his heart, and without the slightest "party feeling or partiality, he looked to appal the firmest hearts-dangers and "difficulties, which no emoluments of "office, or pride of party-victory, could " 66 conclusion of it, as reported in The Times news-paper.-He said, " He could not help "now alluding to the very extraordinary "transactionswhich had taken place in our "Cabinet; but before he did so he must "notice some expressions of the right hon. "gent. (Mr. Canning) which had much delighted him. He had said that in a "good cause he would seek the assistance "of men of all religions: the Turk and "the Christian, the Jew and the Pagan, "were to him, politically considered, "equal.-No doubt then, now that he and "the noble Lord were emancipated from "the shackles of bigotry, they would unite "with the friends of toleration in support "of unlimited religious freedom (hear, «hear!) He wished particularly to know, why Lord Wellesley delayed so long in "this country after his appointment to the "Spanish embassy. He was particularly "anxious to know this, on account of a paragraph which had appeared in a well "known publication, stating that "had it "not been for a fit of illness, the noble Marquis would have been long since in Spain."--Now it was well known, that the right hon. gent. wished to incorpo"rate Lord Wellesley in the government at home, and he had only to hope that this "interested feeling did not occasion his Lordship's protracted delay in England, 66 adequately or at all compensate. The "time was not distant when the last trial "would be to be essayed; and he con"jured the House not to spurn at its own "safety, by omitting to make provision fort in time. Sure, however, he was, "that it could never be preserved by a "continuance in the same system: that "it could not be maintained by a system "which was something weaker than imbecility-by men who offered them nothing but their ignorance and intolerance. "That House, he was confident, would never suffer the State to be ruined in such hands; and if it should be the will of "Providence that this empire should fall, "he trusted that it would not be left to "sink under its own weight, but fall in a "manner worthy of its ancient character "and power."What is to be done, then? The House do like these same ministers. They have voted them to remain in place. What are we to do, then? This is what I want to know from all you, who, at one and the same time, tell us, that the country must be ruined if it remains in the hands of the present ministers, and that a reform of the House of Commons would also ruin the nation. Pray do tell me, then, what we are to do? This is what you say if the House support the present ministers, the nation must be ruined; the House do most decidedly give its support to the present ministers; and, yet you will not join us in asking for a reform of the House. To be sure, such a series of acts never was before a subject of discussion, in any assembly upon earth. Faults and follies of all sorts and sizes, and, arising directly out of these calamities, so ex- through the mummery of dancing on the tensive, and of so distressing and disgrace. "French flag! He did more; he visited ful a nature, and foreboding consequences, "the Junta, went through all the routine enough to appal the stoutest heart. Well," of etiquette and politics, made a speech here are all these acts, and this state of "about reform, took his glass after dinner, things, well understood long before the" and religiously toasted the Pope! (Hear, House meets; it is proposed in the House, to censure the persons, who have been guilty of these acts; and the House, by a decided majority, say NO to that proposition. But, Sir, if you tell us, that that House stands in no need of reform; if you tell us, that that House is an adequate representative of the people of England, Scotland, and Ireland; if you tell us that that House speaks the voice of the nation, then, Sir, you have no reason to complain," but ought, in silence, to acquiesce in the decision of the nation. -Of MR. WHITBREAD's speech I should like to insert the whole; but must content myself with the when he should have been fulfilling the "functions of his important mission. On "this subject he should hereafter demand "an explanation from the right hon. "gentleman. To Spain, however, at "last, the noble Marquis went, and there "what were his services? Why, he went "hear!) It was surprising indeed, to see "him so soon returning after his flirtation "with the "Whore of Babylon," at Cadiz! "On his return, of course, when the places "were going, he came in for his share, and "made one of the Administration; an Ad"ministration the Members of which could "not have been distinguished, had it not "been for the motions that day, for the issuing of writs. It was made up indeed, by a kind of political ballot-one gentleman " (Mr. Dundas) had gone the entire cir"cumnavigation of office, from the Board "of Controul to the Irish Secretaryship! "On that day a writ had been moved 66 "rather the chicane of smugglers and pi"rates, than the fair, liberal commerce "of merchants? (Hear, Hear!) But our "Treasury was full." Aye, by the rigo"rous severity with which the taxes were "collected. Under the system pursued, the collection of the Property-tax would "soon be in the hands of Government col"lectors. Indeed the liberty of the sub"ject was directly struck at by the me"thod by which the taxes were collected. "He gave it as his sincere advice, let an "economical reform be instituted before "the" last ounce," was exacted, and the "country reduced to despair. Let a Go"vernment be removed to which the peo'ple have refused their confidence. Let our relative situation with the enemy be "well considered. Let the policy of "succouring Spain be also weighed un"der the existing circumstances: Aus"tria gone the French force concen"trated, and that country their only "object. It was said that we might de"fend Portugal with 50,000 men: but "would not Buonaparté know our force "even to a drummer, and where we had "30,000 he would have 60,000. Who "would struggle against such fearful odds? "Our remaining some time unmolested in "that country should be no argument for "tendering his seat vacant, in consequence 46 " our continuance there. We remained just "at the will of the French Emperor, and "at his option he could drive us out of it."But what could be expected from such "a Ministry, or rather from a single man, "for the Chancellor of the Exchequer was "now alone-alone, after sounding his in"effectual war-whoop-alone, after fully exposing his weakness, and shewing it, "exceeded only by his rashness. The Marquis Wellesley, of whom such ac"count had been made, he considered completely insignificant.-Who was he? The "Governor of India-the man who had "scarcely escaped the censure of that "House for his cruel tyranny!-the man "who had assailed the press, the sacred "palladium of the people! the friend of "Despotism-the foe to Liberty. Good "God! could this man say to Buonaparté, " in the noble indignation of insulted vir as bad as they were before.(Hear," tue," I have not done as you have." Hear!) Pompous language as to the flou- "(Hear, hear, hear!) Alas, if such a man rishing state of our revenue was however « had strength, he would indeed be a fear"held out. But was it sound at bottom?"ful acquisition to suck a government; but "Was there a legitimate trade? Was it "he was known, and therefore weak and "not a system, placing (by the requisition" harmless (Hear!). Peace should be the "of licences) the merchants under the cry of the nation. Peace-particularly "controul of Government? Was it not "because the thraldom of millions of our |