FRANCE.—Legislative Body-Sitting of the 21st of April, 1810. At four o'clock, M. Count Regnault de Saint Jean D'Angely mounted the Tribune to communicate a Decree of His Majesty, importing that the business for which the Legislative Body had been convened, being terminated, the closing of the Session of 1810 should take place this day, the 21st of April. the illuminations, doubled their effect by On the arrival of the Emperor and Empress at the avenue of Neuilly, the drums began to beat, the bands of music struck up, the cannon fired, &c. Their Majesties stopped about ten minutes under the triumphal arch at L'Etoile, where they were complimented by the magistrates of Paris. The Emperor and Empress reached the Thuilleries at two o'clock amidst the same acclamations. The ceremony of the chapel having lasted nearly three quarters of an hour, was succeeded by a repetition of the same acclamations and the same tokens of respect and attachment. Their Majesties returned to the Thuilleries before four 'o'clock. It took much less time than might be conceived to clear the gallery, by two staircases only, of that multitude of spectators. The order established below, and the judicious regulations observed on the arrival of the carriages, facilitated their departure. This part of the fete was nowise inferior to the rest in beauty and attraction. It is also impossible, except for those who saw them, to form an adequate conception of the richness and elegance of the illuminations. Never was so magnificent a spectacle exhibited to the public. The palace and garden of the Thuilleries, the triumphal arch erected at Pont Tournant, Place de la Concorde, the palace of the Legislative Body, Le Garde Meuble, and the Temple of Glory, formed an enchanting toute-ensemble, which it is extremely difficult to describe, because there is nothing with which to compare it. Count Regnault then pronounced the following Speech: "Gentlemen-The labours of your douSession, the events which have preceded and accompanied it, will leave to the nation great recollections and high hopes. The civil and financial legislation has, during ten years, advanced by an uninterrupted progress towards perfecting the principles and completing the system of the former, and alleviating the weight of the contributions imposed by the latter. The internal organization is ameliorated: industry has followed in the course of former success. The plans for all the great public labours, and the means for their execution, have been decreed-great political views have extended, with wisdom and moderation, and always with advantage, the limits of the Empire. The continental peace, which before rested only on treaties, and the perpetuity of the dynasty, which had for its foundation only the genius of a hero and the power of a great nation, have now for their basis a prosperous, holy, august, and eternal alliance.Such, Gentlemen, is the picture which you have to exhibit to the inhabitants of your provinces, and of which I have only to recal to your memory the principal features; your hearts guarantee its fidelity. [The Counsellor of State then proceeded to enumerate the laws passed during the Session, and took a view of the interior administration of the empire. Passing next to the state of the Foreign Relations of France, he expressed himself thus:-] You have witnessed, Gentlemen, the Senatus Consultum which unites to the French Empire the city of Rome, the ancient patrimony of the Cæsars and of Charlemagne. This Act of the Constitutions of the Empire, indicated by history, counselled by policy, and decreed by genius, joins parts of the Western Empire which have long been separated, and establishes an alliance between the Tiber and the Seine, between Paris and Rome. Finally, this Act, re specting the authority, always sacred, of the proof of his satisfaction, which his Mathe Church, and preparing the true glory jesty has been pleased to give to the Leof religion, secures the independence of gislative Body, would be alone sufficient Thrones and the respect of Sovereigns.- to terminate gloriously a session already A new department will be formed, under so strongly recommended by the nature of the name of the Departement des Bouches our labours, by the sentiments expressed du-Rhin, and the remainder of the ceded in it, and by the happy event of which we territory will be united to the Department have felt the goodness and the glory.— of the Doux Nethes, which will thus be If the Penal Code has imposed upon us a rendered one of the most considerable, vigorous Ministry, laws full of humanity most important and most wealthy of the and of wisdom have softened this painful Empire. Meanwhile, the Confederation duty.Support has been secured to our of the Rhine has its consideration increas- temples, and that Holy Ministry, the source ed, its power confirmed, and the ties of all morality and virtue. Wise meawhich unite its Members drawn closer.sures have been adopted for the mainteIf the war still growl in those regions, the pernicious power of reaching which the English yet retain, it is either at such a distance on the frontiers of the Ottoman Empire, that Europe cannot long suffer from it, and Asia alone is menaced (unless the Divan return to better principles) --or for but a short period beyond the Pyrenees, until the ports of Spain shall be opened to our arms, and closed to England. From that moment the peace of Europe may be regarded as secured by the sanctity of treaties, the extent of power, the conformity of interests, and the superiority of genius. You have seen an august Messenger of Peace, a sacred pledge of eternal alliance, arrive in the heart of France, which has thereby been intoxicated with joy, and transported with love. It has been your destiny to be witnesses of the solemn bonds which will for ever unite Napoleon and Maria Louisa, and have at the same time united the interests of France and the interests of Austria, for the happiness of the two nations, and the tranquillity of the world. All the allied nations bless an event which completes the establishment of their power, and cements the ties which unite them. Enlightened police, and consoled humanity, give it equal applause; the reason of Europe sanctions it, but it belongs in particular to France to feel all its value." Count Regnault having concluded, the most animated applause ensued.-The President then spoke as follows:-" Gentlemen Orators of the Council of State, nance of hospitals. The state of a great number of communes has been ameliorated.-The city of Paris has conceived projects worthy of its high destinies, and has received the means of executing them. The exploring of mines has been encouraged. We see revived an industry too much neglected among us, and of which our late misfortunes have made us feel ail the value. The finances of the empire, far from requiring new sacrifices, have only presented wise and useful modifications, with the hope of seeing them still further ameliorated.-Finally, a law of the greatest interest, and which may be termed the completion of the Judicial Order, has been adopted-The Magistracy is going to resume that ancient dignity, the First Magistracy of the Laws, ajust independence will defend it from the excess of powers. Such have been the works of this Session.-But what interest has been spread upon our labours? These new pledges of peace, these glorious ɲuptials, and their happy presages; what long years of happiness and repose are presented to our hopes. May they multiply and render their authors as dear to Europe as they are to this Empire. May this alliance, formed for the happiness of so many nations, embellish the destinies of these Consorts, and crown the expectations which we love to entertain.-The President having concluded his speech, the meeting renewed its applause.-The President then declared the Session terminated, and the Legislative Body separated accordingly. Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent Garden :-Sold also by J, BUDD, Pall-Mall, LONDON:-Printed by T. C. Hansard, Peterborough-Court, Fleet-Street, "Encampments of Troops are to be formed in the vicinity of London. The ground is said to be "marked out at different points, so as to draw a complete cordon round the Metropolis. For what purpose this most unseemly spectacle is to be exhibited we know npt."MORNING CHRONICLE, 7th May, 1810. 66 "Westminster-Hall instantly rang with land acclamations which were communicated to the whole "extent of the City. They even reached the camp at Hounslow, where the king was at dinner in Lord "Feversham's tent. His Majesty demanded the cause of those rejoicings, and being informed that it was nothing but the soldiers shouting at the delivery of the bishops, Call you that nothing?' cried "he, but so much the worse for them.'" -HISTORY OF ENGLAND, JAMES II. 1688. 66 705] -[706 House to have been groundless, and that SUMMARY OF POLITICS. the House is, what it profcases to be, PRIVILEGE OF PARLIAMENT.Since a representation of the people: supposing my last Number was published a very in- this to be the case, how docs it appear teresting debate has taken place in the and how can it be made appear, that a House of Lords, upon the subject of Privi-power, such as is above-described, is nevilege, and also, incidentally as it were, cessary to the existence of the House? My upon the equally interesting subject of LORD ERSKINE's most admirable answer Parliamentary Reform.As to the for- to the other two noblemen, I shall premer, my lord GREY, in making a motion sently insert, because no account of it can for summoning the Lords to the discussion do it justice; but, I must here press the of a proposition for an Address to the king, question just put. How can such a power, upon the present state of public affairs, a power to imprison the king's subjects AT deprecated the "wild" notions now afloat THEIR PLEASURE; how can this power respecting the privileges of the other be shown to be necessary to the House's House; and my lord Grenville, in terms existence?—No attempt has been made somewhat stronger, did the same. The to prove the truth of the proposition; or, sum and substance of what their lordships at least, I have seen no such attempt. Does said was this:-that “the deluded people,' the House stand in need of greater powers who now clamoured against "the use of than the king possesses? The king can com"the privileges in ques ion, did not per- mit no person at his pleasure. The king "ceive that those privileges were abso- has no other power of self-protection than lutely necessary to the safety of the people that which the courts of law afford him. "themselves; for, that, without them, the If the king be libelled, he must send his "other House could not exist."Now, complaint before a Judge and a Jury, what is the privilege that is, 'at this mo- and no imprisonment can take place for ment, contended against? Why, it is the the crime, and no punishment of any sort, POWER of sending to jail ANY PERSON until a Jury have found the party guilty. WHOM THE HOUSE PLEASES TO SEND TO And so, says Magna Charta and the Bill JAIL, and of keeping the said person in jail, of Rights, that no man shall be imprisoned or during the House's pleasure, without there otherwise punished but by judgment of his being any oath made against such person, and peers.If, then, the king stands in no without any warrant under the hand of a need of such extraordinary power; if the sworn magistrate. -Are we "deluded" law has allowed him no such latitude of because we dislike the existence of such a authority; and if he exists safely without power as this? If we are, we have been any such power, why should such power be "deluded" by Magna Charta, the Bill of necessary to either of the other branches Rights, and by all the renowned exposi- of the legislature? I should like to tors of our ancient and wise and righte- have an answer to this question; and, ous and, I had almost said, holy laws. until I have it, I shall not think myself a And, waving the manner in which the other" deluded" man, if I continue firmly to house is formed; saying nothing about that believe what lords Grey and Grenville here; supposing my lord Grey's former have described as being so very absurd.. complaints against the composition of that -There is another view of this matter, "(lord Grenville) who sat next him, when "he said, that Parliament was the au"thor of it, and that like our ancestors, "from whom we inherited our freedom, "we should rally round Parliament;' so "sistance by those who had been the ob"jects of them; if they alluded to actions "which though not pending, were in imme"diate prospect, he must declare that he "considered it to be a matter of the "greatest magnitude and importance, "which the laws alone ought to determine, and "with which their Lordships had at present no "manner of concern. If the Privileges of "the Commons under the Constitution "had been invaded, the Commons wanted no assistance from the Lords to protect them; the Laws would protect them; and "if in the invasion of their Privileges the "Lords' Privileges were by analogy in which no one, that I know of, has taken. If we were told that the king, or rather the king's minister, acting in his master's name, had the "privilege" (for so this power is, it seems still to be called) of sending to jail, and keeping there during" said his lordship, because in rallying his pleasure, any of the people, who by "round Parliament, or in other words, writing or otherwise, should offend him, "round the King, Lords and Commons, what should we then say? What name "we were rallying round the Constitushould we then give to the government of "tion and the Laws; around which all England? Indeed, what name but one "were disposed to rally. It was the cause could it possibly have?Well, let us, "of the immediate reference to this now, take along with us the doctrine, that "sound doctrine that obliged him to adthe minister for the time being ought always "dress their Lordships. His noble friends to have a majority of the Honourable House "had adverted to the late exercise of Prion his side; and, indeed, the fact, that leges by the House of Commons, and of this is the " practice of the constitution." "the sensation they had created. If they What is there, then, to prevent the minis- "alluded only to the disturbances in this ter for the time being from sending to "great city which they inhabited, he jail, and keeping there during his pleasure," joined in lamenting them; but if they any man who may offend him?Am I" involved, in this sentiment, the legal retold, that his majority would, if he attempted to do what was wrong in this respect, desert him? To this I make no answer; but, it will not do for the OUTS to tell me this; because they have, during this session; aye, and in the case of the very question now before us, blamed, and loudly blamed, what the minister and the majority did actually do. If, therefore as the OUTS assert, the minister and the majority did what was blameable in this case, why might they not do it in another case? Why are we to suppose, that they will stop here?To this question also I long for an answer; and, until I receive it, I certainly shall not think myself a "deluded" man, as far, at least, as relates to this matter.- -I shall now conclude this article with the insertion of the speech of my LORD ERSKINE, as I find it reported" in the Morning Chronicle of the 8th instant, and to which speech I think it my duty to give all the means of circulation in my power. "Lord Erskine said he felt himself called upon to say a very few "words to their lordships. He said he en"tirely agreed with his noble friend who "gave the notice, that notwithstanding any "imperfections with which time might "have visited our happy Constitution, it "was the best and wisest upon the face of "the earth, and under which there was "the greatest enjoyment of happiness and freedom; but it was impossible to con"template that perfection without ad"verting to the principles which were "its essential characteristic. Its character"istic indeed had been correctly and lu minously expressed by his noble friend 66 66 vaded, it less became them to be for"ward in their assertion: more especially "as the question might come legally and judicially before them. No man would more zealously defend the Privileges of Parlia"ment, or of either House of Parliament, "than he should; and he admitted, that "what either branch of the Legislature “had been for the course of ages exer 66 cising with the acquiescence of the "whole Legislature, would, in the absence "of Statutes, which would be the grand ques"tion, be evidence of the common Law of "Parliament, and, as such, of the common "Law of the Land. The jurisdiction of "Courts rested in a great measure upon "the same foundation: but besides that, "these precedents, as applicable alike "to all of them, were matters of grave "and deliberate consideration-they were, " and must be, determined in the end by "the law. He knew that the contrary was "insisted upon by the Commons, when they committed Lord Chief Justice " . "statutes upon this subject, before the "possible origin of any jurisdiction of the House of Commons-it was con"tended that there were he was still "Pemberton for holding plea of them in "his Court; but so far was he from considering such a claim as matter of argu"ment under this Government of Law, that "I say advisedly, (said his Lordship,) that" giving no opinion; but was it not open "if, upon the present occasion, a similar "to the subject, if he were advised to "attack was made upon my noble and "plead such statutes in bar of the privi learned friend (Lord Ellenborough) who leges in the cases contended for? and "sits next me, for the exercise of his legal could any authority but a Court of Law "jurisdiction, I would resist the usurpation "overrule such a plea? could the Comwith my strength, and bones and blood. "mons themselves resist the effect of such Why was any danger to the House of "Statutes, to which they were parties? "Commons or the Country to be antici- "There might be Statutes, indeed, on such "pated by a sober appeal to the judgment of "a subject, which, except in form, wanted "the Laws? If his noble and learned friend" no judicial cognizance, because every "and his brethren the Judges had no ju- "man could read for himself. If a written "risdiction over the Privileges of the "law would bear two interpretations, and "House of Commons, they would say they "the worst interpretation had been given "had no jurisdiction. If they thought" to it by a series of decisions, that worst "they had, they would give a just decision" interpretation was undoubtedly the law; "according to the facts and circumstances "but where a statute spoke a clear, plain, "of the case, whatever they might be. "unambiguous language, the people had a "These facts and circumstances are con- "right to the protection of its letter, and they "sidered, however, too clear for inquiry; ought to insist upon that protection. The "yet the King's Attorney General and a "Parliament might repeal it, but whilst it "Member of the House of Commons, "was a statute, neither the King, Lords, "when called upon by the Serjeant for "or Commons, or all three of them, had « advice upon the subject, was obliged, any dominion over it. It might appear " and most properly, to admit that there "he was putting an almost impossible "was no precedent to be found for his forci- case; but on that very ground he had "ble prosecuting, and that if death ensued he "defended from death the subjects of this "could not undertake to insure him against country, and perhaps more than them; "a conviction, and an execution for murder. "their Lordships might not have been "Was this the character of an immemo- sitting to-day to hear him, if upon these "rial and an acknowledged jurisdiction?"grounds he had not successfully de"But it was said that there was an end of "fended the dominion of the laws. He "the Privileges of Parliament if they must "was then told that a conspiracy to levy "pray in aid the King, or any other au- "war against the king was treason, as an thority, to support their jurisdiction. "attack upon the natural life of the king; "Yet, in the very instance alluded to, "he had said, No! because the statute of they were obliged to pray in aid the king "Edward 3. under any interpretation, had "-not of his laws indeed, to which the "said No also. He was told that Lord "people would have paid the most im- "Hale and Lord Coke were against him; "plicit obedience, but of his bayonets," to which he had answered, irreverendly "to "which, when contrary to law, they "perhaps, but in other respects rightly, "would resist. He desired to warn their "that their authorities were no Lordships against too hasty a resort to "against a positive, unambiguous statute, "force, until right had determined its ap- "than so many large flies buzzing against "plication. It was a dangerous resort," a wall; and so he should for ever main"which never could be necessary in the "government of the British people, when "the laws were on the side of authority; "let the laws speak first, and if they were "disobeyed, the people, instead of resist"ing, would obey, and execute them "themselves. There was another view in "which this question must be looked at. "He was giving no opinion whatever on "the subject, but stating only the ques"tion. Suppose there should be positive 66. more "tain. Lord Erskine here said, I would "rather die, my Lords, than submit to any "dominion but that of the law. I know "the law upon this subject, my Lords, as "well as any of your lordships; it is im possible I should not; and it would "be criminal to surrender or even to "withhold my opinion.' If he had been "warm upon the subject he must be par"doned; he could not alter his nature"what he had ever been through life be |