sovereignty and the interests which go with it in order that the people of the Philippine Islands may enjoy that sense of national freedom and independence which we have enjoyed for nearly 150 years. So far as I know, it is the first time that a great people have achieved independence without the necessity of securing it at the point of the sword; and may I say, Mr. President, and to you, Mr. Speaker, that while my country has surrendered its sovereignity it never has and never will surrender its friendship and sympathetic interest in the Filipino people. No real republican form of government has ever existed as such for any great length of time which did not recognize the principles of democracy and the common good of the people as a whole. It is the practice of those fundamental ideals which has made our own country great and powerful and its people happy and contented during the past years.

May I say that it is for you gentlemen and other leaders in your nation to preserve and make lasting these principles so well expressed in the highly progressive Constitution which you have approved. We feel certain that this will be done by the incoming administration, headed as it will be by your very able and devoted leader and President, Hon. Manuel Quezon. We look with confidence, therefore, to your development and "strike hands with you across the sea" in best wishes for your future endeavors along these lines.

In the House of Representatives we find that the following Congressmen and Senators in our party served in the same period that your President, Manuel Quezon, represented your country as the Philippine Commissioner in the House of Representatives: John N. Garner, Joseph T. Robinson, Matthew M. Neely, James F. Byrnes, Robert L. Doughton, Bertrand H. Snell, and Allen T. Treadway, all of whom have risen to places of influence and distinction in the Congress.

We found him to be a very able man, resourceful, considerate, and dependable. His contacts with these Members of Congress, a few of whom I have mentioned, I know have given him not only a theoretical but a very practical knowledge of the workings of the American system of government.

We have all come in contact with the many able Commissioners you have sent to Washington during past years and whose names I shall not have time to mention, and also with the able men who have come to Washington from time to time as members of various high commissions. All of this has served to increase our confidence in your future, for all were able and faithful representatives of your interests. Undoubtedly honest differences of political opinion will arise, but these will be solved, I am sure, in a spirit of amity and good will.

In considering your new Constitution I find first and foremost those declarations in the bill of rights to which the Vice President has referred.

Through his pleasant contact with the Congress, your new President-elect has acquired a practical viewpoint of other administration details for the interpretation in a fair and equitable way of the provisions of your constitution.

I bespeak for him your united support, and that you will give him generously of your advice and assistance that the way may be smoothed for the attainment of the high ideals he possesses.

He has had associated with him for the last few years as Governor General of the Philippine Islands, Gov. Frank Murphy, an able and conscientious executive whose experiences as mayor of one of our great cities, Detroit, has familiarized him with finance and orderly government. In his official contacts here we are pleased but not surprised to know that he has displayed tact and good judgment.

For the next ten years, at least, the American flag will fly over your Commonwealth, and you will have with you an official representing the United States, who will have the title of High Commissioner. This official, I am happy to believe, will be your present able Governor-General and he will be representative of the President of the United States when it is necessary for him to act.

His sympathetic cooperation during our continued sovereignty, subject to changes by Congress, will be the expression of the American people.

For ten years, unless there is a change, the Stars and Stripes, for which I know you have the greatest respect, will fly over the Commonwealth. The Philippine flag, red, white, and blue, with its three stars and its blazing sun typifying the tropics, will be carried on all standards. These sister flags will do much as they have in the past to strengthen the fine type of friendship which exists today. When the time comes for the Republic to replace the Commonwealth, we believe that the conduct of its affairs during this period will so impress the nations of the world that the new Republic will begin its career with not only the old friendship of my country, but that all the enlightened nations of the earth will unite in its protection and in the preservation of its sovereignty.

The great American Nation will watch your development with keen interest and, wherever we may, will extend a helping hand.

You raise products which are not raised in the United States. We sell you manufactured articles which are not made in your country. We believe that the President's Commission will work out an equitable plan beneficial to both our nations, and that the result of its recommendations will strengthen the ties that will become stronger with the years.

The administration of President Quezon and Vice President Osmeña is entitled to unified support. Your example of unity, patriotism, and self-sacrifice will have a most beneficial and heartening effect on the people of my country, and make it more simple and easy to reconcile any inequalities that now exist or may occur.

A strong government administering your affairs under your progressive Constitution, which has been approved by our great President, Franklin D. Roosevelt, will make for harmony, unity, and cooperation.

It was kind of the Philippine people to include in their invitation to Senators and Congressmen an invitation for their wives. They have enjoyed the visit. You have aroused their sympathy and interest as you have our own.

I have learned that the Filipino women are leaders in the matter of education. They are the household bankers. They have followed the teachings of our school teachers and our economists. They have many of the favorite American dishes in their kitchens. So, on behalf of the ladies of the Senate and of the House of Representa

tives, I thank you for the courtesy of the invitation, but I have the suspicion that back of it was the thought that our wives and daughters who have come with us will in the future help to tighten the bonds of friendship and good will between our nations.

I cannot close these remarks without referring briefly to my friend and your friend, Hon. Harry B. Hawes. As United States Senator, and since then, he has been an earnest, devoted, and able friend of the Philippine people. He merits your friendship and gratitude for his faithful and unselfish work in your behalf.

Let me again thank you for the high privilege that has been extended to us and to our wives to visit you and study first hand your conditions and your aspirations. Let me assure you that we are taking home with us the kindliest thoughts of a pleasant and instructive visit.

To have even a small part in the establishment of an independent republic in the great Orient, to know that the fine traditions of America will be preserved, is satisfaction enough for all rightthinking Americans.

MESSAGE OF HIS EXCELLENCY, GOVERNOR-GENERAL FRANK MURPHY TO THE PHILIPPINE LEGISLATURE IN ITS FINAL SESSION, NOVEMBER 14, 1935 MANILA.

Gentlemen of the Legislature:

Today we are completing another chapter in American-Filipino relations. Upon issuance by the President tomorrow of a proclamation announcing the results of the recent national election, in accordance with section 4 of the Tydings-McDuffie Act, the office of the Governor General of the Philippine Islands will come to an end. This legislative body likewise will pass into history. The charter of our authority known as the Jones Act, granted by the United States Congress in 1916, under whose liberal and beneficient provisions the Philippine people have governed and been governed for nearly two decades this great charter of liberal government will terminate. In its place a new charter of government, a constitution framed by the representatives of the Philippine people themselves in pursuance of authority granted by the United States Congress, and a new form of government constituted thereunder, will come into operation. At such a time it seems fitting for us to pause a few moments before final adjournment, to consider the situation of our government and review briefly the significant events and forces that have shaped our course until the present hour.

Under the auspices of the Spanish Empire of the sixteenth century, the foremost nation of Europe, rich, cultured, and powerful, western civilization was brought to the Philippines in the year 1564. During three centuries and a half that followed, the people of these Islands received the impress of a great Spanish culture and became indoctrinated with the Christian religion. Through devout Spanish churchmen and administrators, the Filipino people became familiar with the institutions and customs and moral conceptions of the western world.

When American civil administrators came to the islands in 1900 to assume the task that had been commenced by the Army forces,

they found not only the beginnings of an American school system, with soldiers in the role of teachers. They found a people that was prepared to benefit by the privileges and advantages that were to be offered to them under the American system of government. They found a quality akin to their own. For here was a people that already had revolted against oppressive rule and attempted to set up an independent republic. The events that preceded the truce of Biac-na-bato help to explain the remarkable early success of the American experiment with democracy in these islands beyond the distant seas.

While to many persons the odds seemed to be heavily against success of the venture, it was almost inevitable that a people nurtured as the American people were in the political philosophy that had produced the Declaration of Independence, with its emphasis on freedom and equality, and had evolved the American Constitution based on the presumed right and capacity of the common people to govern themselves-it was inevitable that such a people should seek to implant these doctrines and principles of government in the new territory that had been committed to their control. For democracy as conceived and expressed in these great documents, and as the American people had received it from their fathers, was something more than a method of government. It was a passionate political faith. It was a faith in the natural capacities and inherent possibilities of the common man, in his essential worth and dignity. În the scheme of democracy, as in the code of Christianity, all men were on a common level of dignity and importance. In this sense as stated by a great political philosopher of my own state, Christianity and democracy were twin-born. They provide for the common men, without distinction of race or clime, a way of salvation from forces of oppression and greed and selfishness.

Having found democracy good for herself, America believed it was good for the people of the Philippines. With a faith and passion like that which enabled their Spanish predecessors to establish throughout the land the practice of the Christian religion, the early American administrators and their devoted coworkers in the field of education undertook to educate and train the people of these islands in the principles and technique of self-government, taking for their keynote and guide the memorable instructions issued by President McKinley in April, 1900.

EDUCATION

If with their simple and sincere faith in the principles by which they had won their own independence and founded their governments, the American people failed to realize fully the nature and difficulty of the mission they were undertaking, they understood clearly that for its successful practice and permanent enjoyment, democratic government required an educated and informed citizenry. This understanding and conviction were as strong as they had been one hundred years earlier, when the framers of the great Ordinance of 1787 enacted for the government of the so-called northwest territory, stated that "religion, morality, and knowledge being essential to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged."

In similar vein, President McKinley directed that the Commission "should regard as of first importance the extension of a system of primary education which shall be free to all, and which shall tend to fit the people for the duties of citizenship and for the ordinary avocations of a civilized community." In its first proclamation to the people of the Philippines in 1899 the First Philippine Commission declared the establishment of elementary schools and appropriate facilities for higher education to be of cardinal importance in the American program for the islands.

No people ever accepted the blessings of education with more enthusiasm than the Filipinos. Like the Americans, they saw that the road to self-government lies through the schoolhouse. The United States Army began the establishment of modern schools in 1898, and within a year more than 4,500 primary pupils were enrolled in Manila alone. The foundations for the permanent educational system of the country were laid by the Philippine Commission in January, 1901. One of its first acts provided for the appointment of more than 1,000 American teachers. Some of the members of this original group of educational pioneers are still in the Philippines. The splendid and devoted work of these and thousands of others who followed them has been a credit to their country and of immeasurable value to the Filipino people.

Although a system of primary public schools was provided for by royal Spanish decree in 1863, few Filipino children were being educated at public expense at the end of the Spanish régime. Today about two-thirds of all Filipino children of primary school age (7 to 10) are enrolled in the first four grades of the public schools. Total public school enrollment in March, 1935, was 1,204,485 pupils. They are taught in 7,680 schools, staffed by 27,120 teachers and administrators. In 1934 total expenditure for public education amounted to nearly 23,000,000.* This included more than 20 percent of the total expenditures of the central government for all purposes.

Although the burden of popular education in the Philippines, as elsewhere, has been borne mainly by the state, 97,500 pupils are enrolled in private educational institutions recognized by the Philippine Government and operated under Government supervision. Those that meet certain definite standards are accredited by the state and are articulated with the public educational system. Among these are the oldest and some of the best institutions of learning in the Philippines.

No agency of the state has been more effective than the public schools in the creation of a strong consciousness of Philippine nationality and the development of a sense of civic responsibility. The English language is now spoken in every barrio in the Archipelago by people of all ranks of life. The schools have been an important factor and effective instrument in the improvement of the health of the people. The offices of the Government and of private business have been almost completely staffed with competent Filipinos trained in the public schools. The standards of efficiency in agriculture, commerce and industry have been raised and the wealth of the country increased by the efforts of vocationally trained citizens. Professional and technical education has been placed upon a The Philippine peso (P) equals 50 cents, U. S. currency.