instance," said Mr Stephen, "suppose a young man, by family and education a gentleman, and from his earliest years designed for the legal profession, to be a member of Lincoln's Inn, regularly prosecuting his studies as a lawyer, and to have arrived at within a year and a half of the proper standing to entitle him to be called to the bar, when, by the death of his parents, and previous family misfortunes, he finds himself totally deprived of all present means of support. The resource which he might have found in the aid of near relations, is pre-occupied by fellow orphans, who, from their sex and tender years, are more helpless than himself; or perhaps he finds his heart too delicate or too proud for dependeney. He has confidence enough in himself to think, that when the time comes that he can put on the gown, he shall find in it an ample resource. But what expedient can he possibly explore in the mean time for his subsistence? In this emergency, a literary friend, a man of character and honour, connected with one of the periodical prints, proposes to our young law student that he should undertake, as a temporary expedient, to conduct, for a liberal remuneration, one of the departments of his newspaper in which there happens to be a vacancy. He proposes, for instance, that of reporting the debates of this house; can it be doubted, sir, that if the rule now in question had not existed, such an offer would be joyfully accepted? Let us suppose it then to be so. During one session, our young student reports the debates of this house, and performs what he finds an arduous duty, with satisfaction to his own heart, recording honestly and impartially the deliberations of parliament, for the information of his country.

At the end of a single year, he finds himself enabled, by the death of a relation and its consequences, to resign this employment and resume his professional path, and he is grateful to heaven for an intermediate occupa tion, which had not only rescued him from dependence and want, but improved his qualifications for future success at the bar. But when he petitions the bench of this society to be called, how sad would be his disappointment, how cruel would be his humiliation and distress, to find that this inexorable rule of the society has given a death-blow to his new-bora hopes! How would his mind be stung when told that the expedient which he had regarded with self-complacency, as his honest refuge from dependency and distress, had covered him with indelible disgrace, and for ever barred against him the door of an honourable profession? Sir," said Mr Stephen, "I can conceive better than I can express what would be the an guish, and what the indignant feelings of such a man on such an occasion. The case that i have described is not imaginary; it really did exist, all but the rejection, which did not take place, because no such rule as that in question had then been made. In other respects the case is real. Thirty years ago, it was the case of the individual who has now the honour to address you. It is an incident of my life which I am much more disposed to be proud of, or, let me rather say, to be grateful for, to a kind disposing Providence, than to blush for. I should indeed blush to be supposed to be ashamed of it. I do not believe, that any gentleman in this house, or in my profession, will think meanly of me on this account; but should there be such a man, I hope I shall never hear of it, for I

should be tempted to hold him in more contempt than it is allowable for us frail beings to feel for any of our fellow mortals."

Mr Stephen, to whom the house always listens with respect, was never heard with deeper interest than on the

present occasion. Not a voice was raised in favour of a measure so illiberal and so unjust as that of the benchers of Lincoln's Inn; and upon an assurance being given that the order would be repealed, Mr Sheridan withdrew his motion.

Ir had been confidently asserted by the enemies of the administration, both in and out of parliament, that Mr Erskine had not acted contrary to his instructions in concluding his unlucky agreement with America, and that the documents which were withheld by ministry would prove this, if they were laid before the public. These documents were called for by Earl Grey in the Upper House, and by Mr Whitbread in the Lower. It was avowed on the part of goFeb. 1. vernment, that no inconvenience could now arise from producing them, and therefore there could be no objection to it. Feb. 5. Mr Canning, who had objected to making them public when the publication might have been injurious, expressed his desire that they might now be printed. "As to the compact with America," he said," Mr Erskine, in entering into that compact, had totally disobeyed his instructions. A question had then arisen between the two countries; the British cabinet being of opinion that the agreement ought to be annulled, the American, that it ought to be kept; he himself believed that good faith was to be kept up between the two nations only by a disavowal in toto of Mr Erskine's power to

come to any such conclusion as he did." To this Mr Whitbread replied, "that as the right honourable gentleman had declared Mr Erskine guilty of disobeying his instructions, he hoped that when the papers were produced he would be competent to verify his assertions. For his own part he held a very different opinion, and pledged himself to show that the substance of the instructions had been strictly observed. It would then be for Mr Canning to show why he ran counter to the instructions which he had himself given."

The papers were accordingly printed. Several weeks elapsed, and then Mr Canning called upon Mr Whitbread to make April 18. good his pledge. "Observations," he said, "had been made, intimating, that he had told a lie before that house, and in the face of the world, respecting the instructions which he, when in office, had given to Mr Erskine. The documents upon that subject had now been nearly two months before the house, and no proceeding was taken by Mr Whitbread in pursuance of the object for which he had required them. He therefore thought it necessary, after such an imputation had been cast upon him, to ask that gentleman, whether he meant

to bring forward any motion upon this question, and at what time?" Mr Whitbread replied, "that the pressure of public business had prevented him from reading the papers; he would examine them during the recess, and if they did not serve to dislodge his present impressions, he should certainly feel it his duty to submit a motion to the house." Upon this Mr Canning expressed a hope, "that he would either bring the matter under discussion, or state his reasons for declining it, so that the imputation of which he had reason to complain might not remain uncontradicted." Mr Whitbread replied, "undoubtedly," and added, "that he felt himself bound to apologize for the delay which had already taken place."

About a month afterMay 15. wards, Mr Whitbread rose to confess, "that, on attentively reading the papers, he did think Mr Erskine had not complied with the letter of his instructions, and that any person who read them would form the same opinion. Yet, for his own part, he altogether agreed in Mr Erskine's vindication of himself, and thought that the spirit of the instructions had been complied with. But they appeared to him to have been drawn up without a due attention to the power vested in the executive government of America, and without adverting to the specific provisions of an act of congress. If Mr Canning had continued in office, he should per haps have thought it right to make some motion upon the subject, think ing that a favourable opportunity of reconciliation with America had been lost by the rejection of Mr Erskine's arrangement. But as the negociation was still pending, and had lately been conducted in a manner perfectly smooth and satisfactory, the more so

because that right honourable gentleman was not in office,-he did not think it advisable to agitate the ques tion at present. And as for Mr Erskine, he did not think it necessary that any specific motion should be made, as his vindication of himself was now before the world. He imagined Mr Canning also would be satisfied with his own exposition of his own case; if not, he or any member might make any such motion upon the subject as they thought proper."

Upon this Mr Canning, with na. tural and becoming warmth, appealed to the justice of the house. "On the last day before the holidays," he said, "the honourable gentleman, having before in no obscure terms hinted at the same thing, declared that he had asserted that which was not true, in asserting that Mr Erskine had acted contrary to his instructions. He was entitled to expect either that Mr Whitbread should support that declaration by arguments and facts in a manly manner, or, if he were convinced of its fallacy, come forward and candidly disavow it. The charge affected him most importantly, as touching the character of the country, and as traducing an individual. That individual he had neither traduced nor misrepresented. He had affirmed, and would fearlessly reaffirm, that Mr Erskine had acted in direct contradiction to his instructions, and had deviated both from their letter and their spirit; and this he was ready to esta blish whenever Mr Erskine's friends, or his own accusers, would give an opportunity. If Mr Whitbread were not more satisfied with the documents than he appeared to be, I must tell him," pursued Mr Canning, "explicitly, that I will accept of no com. promise, Labouring, as I have done, so long and so anxiously, under cir

cumstances of peculiar provocation, I have carefully avoided using a single word of unkindness or disrespect toward the individual who is the subject of these observations. But when so many months have elapsed after his return, during the whole of which time the grossest misrepresentations have been circulated against me, and when the documents which elucidate the whole affair are before the house, is it just that I should be left without an opportunity of publicly refu. ting, or a retractation of the charge? On the one hand, the discussion would enable me to prove the fallacy of the accusation; on the other, a frank avowal of that fallacy by my accusers, would prove to the world how unfounded had been the charge. I return the honourable gentleman, there. fore, no thanks for the little mixture of candour in his observations; the fact is, he cannot, dare not maintain his original position: I am ready to meet him upon the subject whenever he chuses; and this is the reception which I give to his overture of passing the matter by without debate.

To such a speech there could be but one proper reply, and that required too great a sacrifice of partyspirit as well as of pride to be readily offered. Mr Whitbread made answer, he should not bring forward any motion, because he did not think Mr Erskine required any thing more to be said in his vindication; and he again declared, that he was ready to meet any motion of Mr Canning's upon the subject. Mr Morris began again to enter into the subject; and then Mr Canning, saying, that while a regular charge of official misconduct was brought against him, the discussion was studiously divested of the forms of debate, put an end to what

he felt to be a disingenuous proceeding, by speaking to order.

It was only upon this and a few prior occasions, when the imputation of which he so justly complained was cast upon Mr Canning, that America was mentioned in parliament during the session. The opposition, indeed, had worn the theme thread-bare, and abstained from a topic to which it was no longer possible to attract the public attention even in the smallest degree; this alone would have kept them silent, even if they had not felt conscious how fallacious their own predictions had proved. The very newspapers, when a mail from Ame rica arrived, hurried over its contents; or if they felt it necessary to enter into them at any length, confessed that they entered reluctantly upon a task which would afford no gratification to their readers. Every one, indeed, wished that the disputes between the two countries were brought to an amicable conclusion; but every one saw that the temper of the ruling party in America was such as gave no probability of this, and the subserviency of the American go. vernment to Buonaparte was so palpable and so abject, that any indignation which the English people might otherwise have felt, was precluded by contempt.

Early in the year the legislature of Massachusetts made their protest against the measures of the general government. "With the view of an empty treasury," Feb. 8. they said, "and an abandoned commerce, it is impossible to over. look the defenceless state of the country. While the American flag will be driven from the ocean, our ports would be at the mercy of the most formidable navy that ever existed;