thoughts to surer dependencies, and employed his money in purchasing ponds, hot-baths, places proper for fullers, and estates in good condition, having pasture ground and wood-lands. From these he had a great revenue, such a one, he used to say, as Jupiter himself could not disappoint him of.

He practised usury upon ships in the most blameable manner. His method was to insist, that those whom he furnished with money, should take a great number into partnership. When there were full fifty of them, and as many ships, he demanded one share for himself, which he managed by Quintio, his freedman, who sailed and trafficked along with them. Thus, though his gain was great, he did not risk his capital, but only a small part of it.

He likewise lent money to such of his slaves as chose it; and they employed it in purchasing boys who were afterwards instructed and fitted for service at Cato's expense; and being sold at the year's end by auction, Cato took several of them himself, at the price of the highest bidder, deducting it out of what he had lent. To incline his son to the same economy, he told him, That to diminish his substance was not the part of a man, but of a widows-woman. Yet he carried the thing to extravagance, when he hazarded this assertion, That the man truly wonderful and godlike, and fit to be registered in the lists of glory, was he, by whose accounts it should at last appear that he had more than doubled what he had received from his ancestors.

When Cato was very far advanced in years, there arrived at Rome, two ambassadors from Athens*, Carneades the Academic, and Diogenes the Stoic. They were sent to beg off a fine of five hundred talents which had been imposed on the Athenians, for contumacy, by the Sicyonians, at the suit of the peo

* Aulus Gellius mentions a third ambassador, Critolaus the Peripatetic.

ple of Oropus*. Upon the arrival of these philosophers, such of the Roman youth as had a taste for learning went to wait on them, and heard them with wonder and delight. Above all, they were charmed with the graceful manners of Carneades, the force of whose eloquence being great, and his reputation equal to his eloquence, had drawn an audience of the most considerable and the politest persons in Rome; and the sound of his fame, like a mighty wind, had filled the whole city. The report ran, that there was come from Greece a man of astonishing powers, whose eloquence, more than human, was able to soften and disarm the fiercest passions, and who had made so strong an impression upon the youth, that, forgetting all other pleasures and diversions, they were quite possessed with an enthusiastic love of philosophy.

The Romans were delighted to find it so ; nor could they without uncommon pleasure behold their sons thus fondly receive the Grecian literature, and follow these wonderful men. But Cato, from the beginning, was alarmed at it. He no sooner perceived this passion for the Grecian learning prevail, but he was afraid that the youth would turn their ambition that way, and prefer the glory of eloquence to that of deeds of arms. But when he found that the reputation of these philosophers rose still higher, and their first speeches were translated into Latin, by Caius Acilius, a senator of great distinction, who had earnestly begged the favour of interpreting them, he had no longer patience, but resolved to dismiss these philosophers upon some decent and specious pretence.

He went, therefore, to the senate, and complained

* The Athenians had plundered the city of Oropus. Upon complaint made by the inhabitants, the affair was referred to the determination of the Sicyonians, and the Athenians not appearing to justify themselves, were fined five hundred talents.

"to

of the magistrates for detaining so long such ambassadors as those, who could persuade the people to whatever they pleased, "You ought," said he, determine their affair as speedily as possible, that returning to their schools they may hold forth to the Grecian youth, and that our young men may again give attention to the laws and the magistrates.' Not that Cato was induced to this by any particular pique to Carneades, which some suppose to have been the case, but by his aversion to philosophy, and his making it a point to show his contempt of the polite studies and learning of the Greeks. Nay, he scrupled not to affirm, "That Socrates himself was a prating seditious fellow, who used his utmost endeavours to tyrannize over his country, by abolishing its customs, and drawing the people over to opinions contrary to the laws." And, to ridicule the slow methods of Isocrates's teaching, he said, "His scholars grew old in learning their art, as if they intended to exercise it in the shades below, and to plead causes there." And to dissuade his son from those studies, he told him in a louder tone than could be expected from a man of his age, and, as it were, in an oracular and prophetic way, That when the Romans came thoroughly to imbibe the Grecian literature, they would lose the empire of the world. But time has shown the vanity of that invidious assertion; for Rome was never at a higher pitch of greatness, than when she was most perfect in the Grecian erudition, and most attentive to all manner of learning*.

Nor was Cato an enemy to the Grecian philosophers only, but looked upon the physicians also with a suspicious eye. He had heard, it seems, of the answer which Hippocrates gave the king of Persia, when he sent for him, and offered him a reward of many

* Rome had indeed a very extensive empire in the Augustan age, but, at the same time, she lost her ancient constitution and her liberty. Not that the learning of the Romans contributed to that loss, but their irreligion, their luxury, and corruption, occasioned it.

talents, "I will never make use of my art in favour of barbarians who are enemies to the Greeks.' This he had said was an oath which all the physicians had taken, and therefore he advised his son to beware of them all. He added, that he himself had written a little treatise, in which he had set down his method of cure*, and the regimen he prescribed, when any of his family were sick; that he never recommended fasting, but allowed them herbs, with duck, pigeon, or hare such kind of diet being light and suitable for sick people, having no other inconvenience but its making them dream; and that with these remedies and this regimen, he preserved himself and his family. But his self-sufficiency in this respect went not unpunished; for he lost both his wife and son. himself, indeed, by his strong make and good habit of body, lasted long; so that even in old age he frequently indulged his inclination for the sex, and at an unseasonable time of life married a young woman. It was on the following pretence.

He

After the death of his wife, he married his son to the daughter of Paulus Æmilius, the sister of Scipio; and continued a widower, but had a young female slave that came privately to his bed. It could not, however, be long a secret in a small house, with a daughter-in-law in it; and one day as the favourite slave passed by with a haughty and flaunting air, to go to the Censor's chamber, young Cato gave her a severe look, and turned his back upon her, but said not a word. The old man was soon informed of this circumstance, and finding that this kind of commerce displeased his son and his daughter-in-law, he did not expostulate with them, nor take the least notice.

Cato was a worse quack than Dr. Hill. His medical receipts, which may be found in his treatise of country affairs, are either very simple or very dangerous; and fasting, which he exploded, is better than them all. Duck, pigeon, and hare, which, if we may believe Plutarch, he gave his sick people as a light diet, are certainly the strongest and most indigestible kinds of food, and their making them dream was a proof of it.

Next morning he went to the forum, according to custom, with his friends about him; and as he went along, he called aloud to one Salonius, who had been his secretary, and now was one of his train, and asked him, "Whether he had provided a husband for his daughter?" Upon his answering, "That he had not, nor should without consulting his best friend;" Cato said, "Why then, I have found out a very fit husband for her, if she can bear with the disparity of age for in other respects he is unexceptionable, but he is very old." Salonius replying, "That he left the disposal of her entirely to him, for she was under his protection, and had no dependence but upon his bounty;" Cato said without farther ceremony, "Then I will be your son-in-law." The man at first was astonished at the proposal, as may easily be imagined; believing Cato past the time of life for marrying, and knowing himself far beneath an alliance with a family that had been honoured with the consulate and a triumph. But when he saw that Cato was in earnest, he embraced the offer with joy, and the marriage contract was signed as soon as they came to the forum.

While they were busied in preparing for the nuptials, young Cato, taking his relations with him, went and asked his father, "What offence he had committed, that he was going to put a mother-in-law upon him?" Cato immediately answered, "Ask not such a question, my son; for, instead of being offended, I have reason to praise your whole conduct: I am only desirous of having more such sons, and leaving more such citizens to my country." But this answer is said to have been given long before, by Pisistratus the Athenian tyrant, who, when he had sons by a former wife already grown up, married a second, Timonassa of Argos, by whom he is said to have had two sons more, Jophon and Thessalus.

By this wife Cato had a son, whom he called Salonius after his mother's father. As for his eldest son Cato, he died in his prætorship. His father ofter