opium the increase was £1,246,000; that of time. The India Office Papers which during the present financial year the had been laid on the Table of the cost of the operations would not exceed House did not show when, in the view £1,100,000, so that there would still of the Government, there was a proremain a substantial surplus of above bability of the Russian forces being £500,000, after the payment of the moved in the direction of India, or charges for the expedition. That was when it was known that a Russian the information the Secretary of State Mission was about to be sent to Cabul. had on Monday week given to the coun- But, on looking very carefully at the try. But what was the explanation Central Asia Correspondence, prepared given now in this House. Instead of by the Foreign Office, hon. Members the financial position being improved would find a somewhat astonishing since the Indian Budget it was ad- fact, and it was that as to which he mitted to be worse by £600,000. Thus thought some explanation was due. the whole surplus was swallowed up, They would see that the movement of and the £1,100,000 could only be ob- Russian troops commenced on the 13th tained by trenching on the credit of the of June (new style), that another column Famine Fund. Now, there was an express set out on the 20th of June, and that contract between the Government and the intention to move those columns the people of India, when the increased towards India was notified in The Tashtaxes were imposed upon them last kend Gazette of the 26th of May, in year, that the proceeds of those new which the strength of the columns was taxes should be devoted to providing described. Further, that the Mission what Sir John Strachey called "an in- left Samarcand on the 14th of June. surance against famine," and to no Taking those dates into account it was other purpose whatsoever. If, there- somewhat extraordinary that the Gofore, the Government having got the vernment of India appeared to have additional £1,500,000 so raised, instead done nothing until the month of August. of placing it to the credit of the insu- Now it might be, perhaps, said that rance fund, paid out of it the expenses the news took long to travel, and, no of the Afghan War, they would be com- doubt, the unwise withdrawal of the mitting, he contended, a distinct breach Native Agent from Cabul put us at a of contract. That was a very serious disadvantage. But on looking closely consideration, and the House ought, in at the Central Asian Papers, details his opinion, to hesitate before it gave would be found as to the time when its sanction to such a course. The these proceedings became absolutely House would remember the very im- known to the Indian Government. It portant Petition presented to the House would be seen that on May 13 intelliof Lords last year by Lord Northbrook, gence reached them as to proposals of who stated that faith ought to be kept Abdul Rahman to the Russian Governwith the people of India to the utmost ment to aid in subduing Afghanistan in this matter, and this had been ad- which had very much alarmed the mitted on all hands. He would now Ameer. It would be seen, too, that on proceed to the question whether the pre- the 7th of June Major Cavagnari reported sent war could be fairly charged in its that the Russians were road-making to entirety to India? It seemed to him the Oxus, and that the Khan of Khiva, that very strong reasons had been with 800 horse, was protecting the already given for not treating this as working parties; that on the 16th of a purely Indian war, or entered into June he reported that the road-making upon purely Indian considerations. But was being pushed on with great activity, there was a point in connection with and that a large force was mobilized, the war which he would like to sub- part of which was to move by Khiva, mit to the House, and with regard and that the Russians had ascertained to which the Chancellor of the Ex- what supplies and means of carriage chequer might possibly be able to give could be procured; that the Ameer was some information. If the war had been alarmed, and anxious to know how entered into on purely Indian con- these proceedings would be met by the siderations, it would have presented a British Government; that he said he totally different aspect on the question would make friendly advances to what ever Government was friendly to him. I the Chamberlain Mission. That was Further, that the Mustaufi urged him the question which, in his opinion, to come to terms with the British called for an answer from the GovernGovernment, as they were moderate, ment; for who could doubt that, but whereas the Russians were shameless; for this delay, there would have been and that Wali Mahommed, when ap- no war? pealed to, concurred. It would also THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEbe see that on the 18th of June news, QUER: I hope to detain the House but stated to be authentic, was reported for a very short time, and do not intend from Peshawur to the effect that Rus- to follow the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. sian Agents had laid proposals before Childers) into his examination of the the Ameer for permission for Russian statements of my noble Friend, Lord troops to be quartered in his territories. Cranbrook, nor into his financial exaReports of the coming of the Mission mination of the statements of my hon. were received on the 5th, the 11th, Friend the Under Secretary of State as to and the 13th of June-so that early in the Indian Budget, because I am sure that month the Government had infor- that were it necessary to tell anything mation, if not in detail, at any rate further on that subject my hon. Friend from several different sources. How would be better able to tell it than I; ever, the first complaint we made at but with regard to one or two questions St. Petersburg as to the movement of raised, it is my duty to make some troops was on August 14, and the first remarks. With reference to one of the communication to the Ameer was of charges, he mentioned the delay which the same date. There was, then, the he notices as having taken place in the strange circumstance of the Govern- communications made with Russia and ment having information from a variety to the Ameer with respect to the of sources-information which, though Russian Mission. I admit that unnot official, was strictly correct, and some doubtedly it was the case that for a described in the Papers themselves as considerable period-even extending authentic-of the movement of Russian much further back than the month of troops and the approach of a Russian June last year we were continually Envoy, and yet the Government for two receiving communications of more or months did nothing. If that was so, less authority, pointing to the movement what were they entitled to say of the of Russian forces in Central Asia. Government? Had it been a question was, however, exceedingly difficult to solely of India, and the Indian Govern- get at the exact truth of these reports. ment had been acting free from dicta- Reports often reached us which at first tion at home, could there be any ques- sight appeared very formidable, but tion that the Government of India would which were afterwards explained away, have sent at once to the Ameer and have or reduced in their importance; and told him that his fears seemed likely to frequently we were led to the conbe justified, and that we were, there- clusion that they were spread for the fore, prepared to step forward, as he purpose of causing anxiety, or accidentwished, and we had promised, in defence ally magnified by the imaginations of of his Frontier? But, unfortunately, it those who had made them. Without was an English and not an Indian ques- going too minutely into details, I may tion, and they waited two months. And say that it was not until the middle of why? At the end of May the Salisbury-August that we were distinctly informed Schouvaloff agreement was signed, which by the Indian Government that a Rusthe Government believed would settle all things satisfactorily; so that, feeling that the danger reported to them from so many quarters was over, they made no representation to Russia or to the Ameer for two months. And then, on the same day, they ordered Lord Augustus Loftus to protest to the Russian Government against a movement of troops which was long over, and the Viceroy to summon the Ameer to receive VOL. CCXLIII. [THIRD SERIES.] It sian Mission had actually come to Cabul; and until that Mission had actually arrived there, we had no right to say that Russia was moving in parts of Asia in which she had no right to interfere; while we might always have been met with the denial on her part, as to the intention of overstepping the limits. assigned to her influence. We were in no hurry to raise a question which might have produced a quarrel; but, as far as 2 L we could, wished matters to cool down, as we hoped they would after the negotiations at Berlin; and it was not until we were absolutely certain that the Russian Mission had arrived at Cabul that we sent conditional instructions to the Viceroy to take certain steps as soon as he was able to ascertain this beyond doubt. With regard to another point raised by the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Childers)-who I see has left his place-in passing, upon which he quoted the authority of the present Lord Chancellor and of Lord Salisbury from opinions expressed some years ago in the House of Lords, he seems to have forgotten that on that very occasion the Lord Chancellor of his own Government then in power-Lord Hatherley --answered the observations of Lord Cairns, and that he laid down with authority that "an order to the Governor General to declare war against a border State would not require the assent of the Council, though, of course, it would, in its consequences, involve expenditure."—[3 Hansard, cxcv. 1830.] This latter view is against the contention with which we are met; but it is not my intention to pursue that subject, which is unnecessary for the purposes of this discussion. The right hon. Gentleman has made a very great part of his speech turn upon the terrible word "defray" -indeed, we have had that word so dinned into our ears by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Greenwich, as well as the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Pontefract that we have come to feel uncomfortable about it. I quite agree with the right hon. Member for Pontefract, that in our proceedings, when we are setting precedents, it is desirable and incumbent on us to be cautious about the language which we use; and I must say upon that point, with reference to that particular statute, that I think the Government, drawn from the front Bench opposite, were exceedingly cautious when they had to take proceedings under that Act. For very shortly after it was passed, upon one occasion when they did use Indian troops, and allowed Indian monies to be applied for the maintenance of those troops upon an expedition beyond the borders of India-in China-they were so afraid of using this terrible word "defray," that they did not use any word at all, and never came to Parliament either, to tell them anything about the affair. That was a very curious and interesting circumstance. When I have had occasion before to refer to it, I have always been met with this observation"Oh! that was a case which did not fall within the meaning of the statute at all; that was a case which was provided for by the exception clause, in which it is said that-"Except for the purpose of repelling or preventing invasion, or in case of some sudden or urgent neces sity, the Forces of India should not be used without the consent of Parliament." The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Greenwich (Mr. Gladstone) told us that the Peiho affair was a case of "urgent necessity;" that what happened in that case was this-a friendly Mission was being sent by the British and French Governments to the capital of China-to Pekin-and on its way it was suddenly assaulted and stopped in its progress, and therefore the emergency was so sudden that it was absolutely necessary to take steps to redress the insult. There are, certainly, some parallels which might be suggested in the present case, and, let me add, some points of difference. Notwithstanding the suddenness of the emergency, one year and two months were allowed to elapse before the Force was dispatched; and during that time a Session of Parliament took place, but nothing was said about it; and we are driven to the conclusion that in the view of Gentlemen opposite, when an insult is offered to the British Power beyond its own Frontiers, it is such an emergency that it will justify the employment of Indian troops without Parliament being consulted. You cannot say that the case in question was in any sense one of preventing or repelling invasion. In the case of Afghanistan, it might, perhaps, have been contended, with some little plausibility, that it was a measure of precaution, used to prevent invasion; and, certainly, with regard to its suddenness, that it was one of the very greatest emergency; because we could not wait 14 months, nor even 14 days, for it was a question of the season of the year, which, if the troops had not been ordered to move, would have been lost, and this would probably have led to much greater bloodshed and suffering, as well as added to the cost of the war. If we are to be so careful about prece- | place between them-is it or is it not the dents in the use of this ambiguous word part of the Indian Exchequer to bear "defray," our conduct is, I think, more the expense of that war? I apprehend excusable than that of right hon. Gen- that, supposing it to have arisen in ortlemen opposite. It is said you can- dinary circumstances, there would be not apply the word "defray" to the no question whatever that the charge payment of temporary charges; and the should be rightly laid on the Indian right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Childers) Revenues. If you were to adopt a difobserved that there was a great differ- ferent principle, and say that the Indian ence between the language used in this Government should be at liberty, whencase and that used in the Vote for the ever they thought right, to undertake Abyssinian Expedition. Of course, there wars against their neighbours, and that was; because in the latter it was dis- they should be held harmless, I ask, tinctly intended that the British Govern- what would be the temptation of the ment should pay for the whole, or the Government of India to go into quarrels greater part, of the expenditure-the which would be of a dangerous kind, and object being avowedly an Imperial and which would bring anything but satisBritish object. All that was then pro- faction or economy to the people of posed was, that we should use the India? But knowing that if they get Indian Army and relieve the Indian into complications with their neighbours Revenue of all charges; and, therefore, they will have to bear the expense is a anything that was put upon it was dis- check which, in their interest, as well as tinctly of a temporary character. But in the interests of the people of Engwhat is proposed now is something land, ought not to be disregarded. wholly different. It is proposed to apply Again, where you have to deal with imthe Indian Revenue to this expenditure; mediate border neighbours-such as not thereby meaning to say that it is not Nepaul, Burmah, or any other Statesa matter that will require serious atten- I apprehend the case is clear that India tion as to how far the British or Im- ought to bear the expense. And simiperial Exchequer is to come in aid of larly, I believe, within the Indian that expenditure. But the right hon. system, in which I include Afghanistan, Gentleman is right in saying that it will upon the rule I have laid down, if a fall, in the first instance, upon the Indian quarrel arose between that country and Revenue; and I wish to go into this India, the Indian Revenues should bear matter and face it, without attempting the expense. I now want to qualify that to disguise what is my view of it. I doctrine by another consideration. have said that I wish to put our view have said it is right that India should of the case before the House; and I bear the expense of hostilities against hope hon. Members on both sides will immediate neighbours; but I have endeavour to free their minds from any drawn a distinction between them and feeling of prejudice, and not be guided by distant enemies: and when I speak of mere impulse, without consideration of distant enemies, I especially refer to all the consequences at which they may enemies who may be moving against arrive. What I ask the House is this-her, not on account of any direct are we or are we not to understand that quarrel with her, but on account of India is to be a self-supported part of some quarrel with the British Empire the British Empire? The hon. Member of which she is a part. In such a case, for Hackney (Mr. Fawcett) says it is. we ought to recognize the justice and Then, if India is self-supporting, is it to equity of the Imperial Exchequer pay for her own self-defence? That is coming in aid of that part of our a question which must be answered with dominions which is attacked, not from some little reserve. I think there is to be any special local cause but from Impethe greatest distinction drawn between rial causes. We must bear in mind, defence against immediate neighbours therefore, what the Imperial Power and defence against distant enemies. does towards the general defence of Take, for instance, the strongest case India. There is no doubt we do a on the one side. Suppose a quarrel to great deal to keep back the tide of arise between the British Government invasion. If anybody will look at in India and the Nizam or Maharajah the history of India. they will see Scindia, and a contest or war takes that wave after wave of different na I tions came over that country and necessary to put forward anything like overran it, generally from the North- our Imperial strength, I am sure that West and through these very Passes of the people of England will be ready which we have been speaking. Anyone to bear their full share-and even more will see that this would again be the than their full share-of the burden of natural course of events, if there were this war. I wish to remind the House not some strong Power in India like the of the position of affairs under which we British Power; and that if a great are called together. Up to the time of Power were advancing over those the period allowed for the Ameer's regions of Asia, that advancing Power reply to our Ultimatum we fully hoped would sooner or later sweep over India that war might be avoided, and a peacealso. I believe that if it were not for ful settlement arrived at. From the mothe presence of British Power there, the ment when the advance began—namely, shadow which such invasion would throw on the 21st November-until now, the before it would even now be producing interval is less than four weeks, and it alarm and disturbance in that country of is really exceedingly difficult at present a serious character. But the great Power to tell what is the real nature of the of England, and the warning hand of resistance to be offered, or the upshot or England, keeps India quiet, and thereby outcome of the war. In the course of confers great benefits upon her. But another month or two we shall have what is the real cause, extent, and mean- learned a great deal, and be in a very ing of the present war? This is one much better position to make to Parpoint upon which we require further liament a serious proposition approinformation than we have at the present priate to the real state of the case. At moment. As to the actual and imme- the present moment in our uncertainty diate cause of the present war, it was as to the extent of the operations necesthe refusal, with insult, offered in the sary to obtain the submission of the eyes of all India, of a Mission sent by Ameer, it would be impossible for us to the Indian Government. There can be come forward and do what we have done no doubt that if that were submitted to in other cases-propose a definite Vote the Government of India would have of Credit. If we are to give aid it must been fatally, or at least seriously, not be by undertaking that we should weakened; and the country would have bear the expense of a war administered been put to considerable expense and by others, set free from all consideraexertion in order to redress the evil tions of economy, who might press it suffered. If there were nothing more in beyond the length which might be dethis quarrel than that insult offered- sirable, because they are exempt from perhaps from the peculiar character, the all risk of having to pay for it; but what moodiness, or ill-will and obstinacy we may think it right to give should be of a particular Ruler, which might be in the shape of a Vote in aid of the exspeedily avenged, and that Ruler penditure of the Indian Government. brought to his senses-and if the ex- The principle upon which we proceed is penditure is to be of a moderate cha- one which we have adopted with referracter as we are told by the authori-ence not only, and not even principally, ties of India it may be expected to be- to the interests of taxpayers in England; and if, as I earnestly hope and pray but with the sincere belief that it would may be the case, we have nearly arrived be better for the interests of India at the conclusion of this business, it herself that she should be made to feel will be a matter of considerable doubt the responsibility under which she carwhether the Imperial Exchequer ought ries on war, and that it would be a very to be called upon to pay anything bad principle to allow her Administraat all. But if, on the other hand, there tion to believe that they might go to should be more in the war than at first war and cast the expense upon the Imsight appears-if it should seem that perial Exchequer. I admit that there is this is a war-of course, not openly or much which raises the presumption that avowedly, but secretly, and against the this should be treated as an exceptional will of another Government, but, never- case; but all I can say at present is theless, by unofficial means stirred that the Government will be fully preup and maintained against us by a pared when we meet after the Recess |