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Ga., Strother of Va., and De Witt of N. Y. I cannot be retraced; and it appears to us that the (all but the last from the slave region), happiness of unborn millions rests on the measure

which Congress on this occasion may adopt. were appointed said committee.

Considering this as no local question, nor a quesMr. Strong of N. Y. that day gave notion to be decided by a temporary expediency, tice of a bill “ To prohibit the further exten-but as involving great interests of the whole sion of Slavery in the United States." United States, and affecting deeply and essentially On the 14th, Mr. Taylor of N. Y. moved and the perpetuation of the blessings of liberty

those objects of common defense, general welfare, a select committee on this subject, which was for which the Constitution itself was formed, we granted ; and the mover, with Messrs. Liver- bave presumed, in this way, to offer our sentimore of N. H., Barbour (P. P.) of Va., ments and express our wishes to the National Lowndes of S. C., Fuller of Mass., Hardin Legislature. And as various reasons have been of Ky., and Cuthbert of Ga., were appointed States, it may perhaps be permitted to us to state such committee. A majority of this com- our reasons, both for believing that Congress mittee being Pro-Slavery, Mr. Taylor could possesses the constitutional power to make such do nothing; and on the 28th the Committee prohibition a condition, on the admission of a new was, on motion, discharged from the further State into the Union, and that it is just and proper

that they should exercise that power. consideration of the subject.

"And in the first place, as to the constitutional On the same day Mr. Taylor moved : authority of Congress. The Constitution of the “ That a Committee be appointed with instruc. have power to dispose of and make all needful

United States has declared that · Congress shall tions to report a bill prohibiting the further ad. rules and regulations respecting the territory or mission of Slaves into the Territories of the other property belonging to the United States : United States west of the river Mississippi."

and nothing in this Constitution shall be so conOn motion of Mr. Smith, of Md., this re- strued as to prejudice the claims of the United solve was sent to the Committee of the States or of any particular State.' It is very well Whole, and made a special order for Jan. known, that the saving in this clause of the claims 10th ; but it was not taken up, and appears claims by the then existing States, of territory

of any particular State, was designed to apply to to have slept the sleep of death.

which was also claimed by the United States as In the Senate, the memorial of the Mis- their own property. It has, therefore, no bearing souri Territorial Legislature, asking admis- on the present question. The power, then, of sion as a State, was presented by Mr. Smith Congress over its own territories, is, by the very of S. C., Dec. 29th, and referred to the all' needful rules and regulations, which of course Judiciary Committee, which consisted of, include all such regulations as its own views of

Messrs. Smith of S. C., Leake of Miss., Bur- policy or expediency shall, from time to time, dicrill of R. I., Logan of Ky., Otis of Mass.

tate. If, therefore, in its judgment it be needful for the benefit of a territory to enact a prohibition of Slavery, it would seem to be as much within

its power of legislation as any other act of local DANIEL WEBSTER ON SLAVERY EX

policy. Its sovereignty being complete and uniTENSION.

versal as to the territory, it may exercise over it

the most ample jurisdiction in every respect. It The following " Memorial to the Congress possesses, in this view, all the authority

which of the United States, on the subject of re- any State Legislature possesses over its own terstraining the increase of Slavery in New ritory, and if any State Legislature may, in its State to be admitted into the Union," in discretion, abolish or prohibit Slavery within its

own limits, in virtue of its general legislative pursuance of a vote of the inhabitants of authority, for the same reason Congress also may Boston and its vicinity, assembled at the exercise the like authority over its own territories. State House on the 3rd of December, 1819, And that a State Legislature, unless restrained by was drawn up by Daniel Webster, and signed questionable, and has been established by general by himself, George Blake, Josiah Quincy, practice. James T. Austin, etc. It is inserted here “ The creation of a new State, is, in effect, & instead of the resolves of the various New compact between Congress and the inhabitants England Legislatures, as a fuller and clearer of the proposed State. Congress would not prob. statement of the views of the great body of bitants of Missouri to form a Constitution of their

ably claim the power of compelling the inhathe people of that section during the pen- own, and come into the Union as a State. It is as dency of the Missouri question :

plain, that the inhabitants of that territory have

no right of admission into the Union, as a State, "MEMORIAL

without the consent of Congress. Neither party

is bound to form this connection. It can be formed To the Senate and House of Representatives of only by the consent of both. What, then, prethe United States, in Congress assembled : vents Congress, as one of the stipulating parties,

to propose its terms ? And if the other party “ The undersigned, inhabitants of Boston and assents to these terms, why do they not effectually its vicinity, beg leave most respectfully and hum hind both parties? Or if the inhabitants of the bly to represent: That the question of the intro- Territory do not choose to accept the proposed duction of Slavery into the new States to be terms, but prefer to remain under a Territorial formed on the west side of the Mississippi River, Government, has Congress deprived them of any appears to them to be a question of the last im. right, or subjected them to any restraint, which, portance to the future welfare of the United States. in its discretion, it had no authority to do? If If the progress of this great evil is ever to be the admission of new States be not the discretionarrested, it seems to the undersigned that this is ary exercise of a constitutional power, but in all the time to arrest it. A false step taken now, cases an imperative duty, how is it to be per.

*

formed? If the Constitution means that Congress | admitted as soon as possible, according to the shall admit new States, does it mean that Con- principles of the Federal Constitution, to the engress shall do this on every application and under joyment of all the rights, advantages, and im. all circumstances? Or if this construction cannot munities of citizens of the United States ; and in be admitted, and if it must be conceded that the mean time they shall be maintained and proCongress must in some respects exercise its dis- tected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, procretion on the admission of new States, how is it perty, and the religion which they profess. to be shown that that discretion may not be exer- “Although the language of this article is not cised in regard to this subject as well as in regard very precise or accurate, the memorialists conto others ?

ceive that its real import and intent cannot be *. The Constitution declares, 'that the migration mistaken. The first clause provides for the ador importation of such persons as any of the States mission of the ceded territory into the Union, now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall and the succeeding clause shows this must be not be prohibited by the Congress, prior to the according to the principles of the Federal Conyear 1808.' It is most manifest that the Constitu- stitution; and this very qualification necessarily tion does contemplate, in the very terms of this excludes the idea that Congress were not to be at clause. that Congress possesses the authority to liberty to impose any conditions upon such adprohibit the inigration or importation of slaves ; mission which were consistent with the principles for it limits the exercise of this authority for a of that Constitution, and which had been, or specific period of time, leaving it to its full opera- might justly be, applied to other new States. tion ever afterward. And this power seems ne. The language is not by any means so pointed as cessarily included in the authority which belongs that of the Resolve of 1780°; and yet it has been to Congress, ' to regulate commerce with foreign seen that that Resolve was never supposed to nations and among the several States.' No person inhibit the authority of Congress, as to the introhas ever doubted that the prohibition of the foreign duction of slavery. And it is clear, upon the slave trade was completely within the authority plainest rule of construction, that in the absence of Congress since the year 1808. And why? Cer- of all restrictive language a clause, merely protainly only because it is embraced in the regula. viding for the admission of a territory into the tion of foreign commerce; and if so, it may for Union, must be construed to authorize an admisthe like reason be prohibited since that period sion in the manner, and upon the terms, which between the States. Commerce in slaves, since the Constitution itself would justify. This conthe year 1808, being as much subject to the regu- struction derives additional support from the next lation of Congress as any other commerce, if it clause. The inhabitants shall be admitted as should see fit to enact that no slave should ever soon as possible, according to the principles of be sold from one State to another, it is not per- the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of all ceived how its constitutional right to make such the rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens provision could be questioned. It would seem to of the United States.' The rights, advantages, be too plain to be questioned, that Congress did and immunities bere spoken of, must, from the possess the power, before the year 1808, to pro- very force of the terms of the clause, be such as hibit the migration or importation of slaves into are recognized or communicated by the Constithe territories (and in point of fact it exercised tution of the United States ; such as are common that power) as well as into any new States ; and to all citizens, and are uniform throughout the that its authority, after that year, might be as United States. The clause cannot be referred to fully exercised to prevent the migration or import: rights, advantages, and immunities derived ex. ation of slaves into any of the old States. And clusively from the State Government, for these if it may prohibit new States from importing do not depend upon the Federal Constitution. slaves, it may surely, as we humbly submit, make Besides, it would be impossible that all the rights, it a condition of the admission of such States into advantages, and immunities of citizens of the the Union, that they shall never import them. different States, could be at the same time enjoyed In relation, too, to its own Territories, Congress by the same persons. These rights are different possesses a more extensive authority, and may, in in different States ; a right exists in one State various other ways, effect the object. It might, which is denied in others, or is repugnant to other for example, make it an express condition of its rights enjoyed in others. In some of the States, grants of the soil, that its owners shall never hold a freeholder alone is entitled to vote in elections ; slaves; and thus prevent the possession of slaves in some a qualification of personal property is from ever being connected with the ownership of sufficient; and in others, age and freedom are the soil.

the sole qualifications of electors. In some States, “As corroborative of the views which have no citizen is permitted to hold slaves : in others, been already suggested, the memorialists would be possesses that power absolutely ; in others, it respectfully call the attention of Congress to the is limited. The obvious meaning, therefore, of history of the national legislation, under the Con- the clause is, that the rights derived under the federation as well as under the present Constitu- Federal Constitution, shall be enjoyed by the intion, on this interfering subject. Unless the ine- habitant of Louisiana in the same manner as by morialists greatly mistake, it will demonstrate the the citizens of other States. The United States, sense of the nation, at every period of its legisla. by the Constitution, are bound to guarantee to tion, to have been, that the prohibition of Slavery every State in the Union a republican form of was no infringement of any just rights belonging government; and the inhabitants of Louisiana to free States, and was not incompatible with the are entitled, when a State, to this guarantee. enjoyments of all the rights and immunities which Each State has a right to two Senators, and to an admission into the Union was supposed to Representatives according to a certain enumeraconfer.

tion of population, pointed out in the Constitution. “The memorialists, after this general survey, The inhabitants of Louisiana, upon their admiswould respectfully ask the attention of Congress sion into the Union, are also entitled to these to the state of the question of the right of Con- privileges. The Constitution further declares, gress to prohibit Slavery in that part of the former that the citizens of each State shall be entitled Territory of Louisiana which now forms the Mis to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in souri Territory. Louisiana was purchased of the several States. It would seem as if the mean. France by the Treaty of the 30th April, 1803. ing of this clause could not well be misinterpreted. The third article of that Treaty is as follows: “The It obviously applies to the case of the removal of inhabitants of the ceded Territory shall be incor- a citizen of one State to another State; and in porated into the Union of the United States, and such a case it secures to the migrating citizen all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the deep and earnest feeling of its importance, and we State to which he removes. It cannot surely be respectfully solicit for it the full consideration of contended, upon any rational interpretation, that the National Legislature. it gives to the citizens of each State all the privi. “ Your

memorialists were not without the hope leges and immunities of the citizens of every other that the time had at length arrived when the inState, at the same time, and under all circum- convenience and the danger of this description stances. Such a construction would lead to the of population had become apparent in all parts most extraordinary consequences. It would at of this country, and in all parts of the civilized once destroy all the fundamental limitations of world. It might have been hoped that the new the State constitutions upon the rights of their States themselves would have had such a view of own citizens; and leave all those rights to the their own permanent interests and prosperity as mercy of the citizens of any other State, which would have led them to prohibit its extension and should adopt different limitations. According to increase. The wonderful increase and prosperity this construction, if all the State constitutions, of the States north of the Ohio is unquestionably save one, prohibited slavery, it would be in the to be ascribed, in a great measure, to the consepower of that single State, by the admission of quences of the ordinance of 1787; and few, inthe right of its citizens to hold slaves, to commu- deed, are the occasions, in the history of nations, nicate the same right to the citizens of all the in which so much can be done, by a single act, other States within their own exclusive limits, in for the benefit of future generations, as was done defiance of their own constitutional prohibitions ; by that ordinance, and as may now be done by and to render the absurdity still more apparent, the Congress of the United States. We appeal the same construction would communicate the to the justice and to the wisdom of the National most opposite and irreconcilable rights to the Councils to prevent the further progress of a citizens of different States at the same time. It great and serious evil. We appeal to those who seems, therefore, to be undeniable, upon any ra- look forward to the remote consequences of their tional interpretation, that this clause of the Con- measures, and who cannot balance a temporary stitution communicated no rights in any State or triling convenience, if there were such, against which its own citizens do not enjoy; and that the a permanent, growing, and desolating evil. We citizens of Louisiana, upon their admission into cannot forbear to remind the two Houses of Conthe Union, in receiving the benefit of this clause, gress that the early and decisive measures adoptwould not enjoy higher or more extensive rights /ed by the American Government for the abolition than the citizens of Ohio. It would communicate of the slave-trade, are among the proudest memoto the former no right of holding slaves except in rials of our nation's glory. That Slavery was ever States where the citizens already possessed the tolerated in the Republic is, as yet, to be attribsame right under their own State Constitutions uted to the policy of another Government. No and laws.

imputation, thus far, rests on any portion of the “Upon the whole, the memorialists would most American Confederacy. The Missouri Territory respectfully submit that the terms of the Consti- is a new country. If its extensive and fertilo tution, as well as the practice of the Governments field shall be opened as a market for slavee, the under it, must, as they humbly conceive, entirely Government will seem to become a party to a justify the conclusion that Congress may pro- traffic which, in so many acts, through so many ħibit the further introduction of Slavery into its years, it has denounced as impolitic, unchristian, own territories, and also make such prohibition a inhuman. To enact laws to punish the traffic, condition of the admission of any new State into and, at the same time, to tempt cupidity and avathe Union.

rice by the allurements of an insatiable market, “If the constitutional power of Congress to is inconsistent and irreconcilable. Government, make the proposed prohibition be satisfactorily by such a course, would only defeat its own purshown, the justice and policy of such prohibition poses, and render nugatory its own measures. seem to the undersigned to be supported by plain Nor can the laws derive support from the manand strong reasons. The permission of Slavery ners of the people, if the power of moral sentiin a new State, necessarily draws after it an ex ment be weakened by enjoying, under the pertension of that inequality of representation, which mission of Government, great facilities to comalready exists in regard to the original States. mit offenses. The laws of the United States have It cannot be expected that those of the original denounced heavy penalties against the traffic in States, which do not hold slaves, can look on slaves, because such traffic is deemed unjust and such an extension as being politically just. As inhuman. We appeal to the spirit of these laws : between the original States the representation We appeal to this justice and humanity: We rests on compact and plighted faith; and your ask whether they ought not to operate, on the memorialists have no wish that that compact present occasion, with all their force? We have should be disturbed, or that plighted faith in the a strong feeling of the injustice of any toleration slightest degree violated. But the subject as- of Slavery. Circumstances have entailed it on sumes an entirely different character, when a new a portion of our community, which cannot be imState proposes to be admitted. With her there is mediately relieved from it without consequences no compact, and no faith plighted ; and where is more injurious than the suffering of the evil. But the reason that she should come into the Union to permit it in a new country, where yet no hab. with more than an equal share of political im- its are formed which render it indispensable, what portance and political power? Already the ratio is it, but to encourage that rapacity, and fraud, of representation, established by the Constitution, and violence, against which we have so long has given to the States holding slaves twenty pointed the denunciations of our penal code? members of the House of Representatives more What is it, but to tarnish the proud fame of the than they would have been entitled to, except country? What is it, but to throw suspicion on under the particular provision of the Constitution. its good faith, and to render questionable all its In all probability, this number will be doubled professions of regard for the right of humaniin thirty years. Under these circumstances, we ty and the liberties of mankind ? deem it not an unreasonable expectation that the "As inhabitants of a free country—as citizens inhabitants of Missouri should propose to come of a great and rising Republic—a8 members of a into the Union, renouncing the right in question. Christian community-as living in a liberal and and establishing a constitution prohibiting it for enlightened age, and as feeling ourselves called ever. Without dwelling on this topic, we have upon by the dictates of religion and humanity, still thought it our duty to present it to the con- we have presumed to offer our sentiments to sideration of Congress. We present it with a Congress on this question, with a solicitude for the event far beyond what a common occasion restriction of Slavery, would, in their opinion, escould inspire."

sentially impair the right of this and other existing

States to equal representation in Congress (a right Instead of reprinting the Speeches elicited much as such newly-admitted slaveholding State

at the foundation of the political compact), inasby this fruitful theme, which must necessarily, would be represented on the basis of their slave to a great extent, be a mere reproduction of population ; a coucession made at the formation ideas expressed in the debate of the last ses- States, but never

stipulated for uew States, nor to

of the Constitution in favor of the then existing sion, already given, we here insert the Re- be inferred from any article or clause in that insolves of the Legislatures of New-York, strument. New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and “ 2. Resolved, That to admit the Territory of Kentucky--the first three being unanimous Missouri as a State into the Union, without proexpressions in favor of Slavery Restriction ; bibiting Slavery there, would, in the opinion of the

representatives of the people of New Jersey aforethe fourth, from a Slave State, also in favor said, be no less than to sanction this great politiof such Restriction, though probably not cal and moral evil, furnish the ready means of unanimously agreed to by the Legislature ; peopling a vast Territory with Slaves, and per. the last against Restriction, and also (we petuate all the dangers, crimes, and pernicious

effects of domestic bondage. presume) unanimous. The Legislatures of “3. Resolved, As the opinion of the Representathe Free States were generally unanimous tives aforesaid, That inasmuch as no Territory for Restriction ; those of the Slave States bas a right to be adınitted into the Union, but on (Delaware excepted) unanimous against it. the principles of the Federal Constitution, and only

by a law of Congress, consenting thereto on the It is not deemed necessary to print more part of the existing States, Congress may rightfulthan the following:

ly, and ought to refuse such law, unless upon the

reasonable and just conditions, assented to on the NEW YORK.

part of the people applying to become one of the

States. “ State of New York, in Assembly, Jan. 17, “4. Resolved, In the opinion of the Representa1820:

tives aforesaid, That the article of the Constitution Whereas, The inhibiting the further extension which restrains Congress from prohibiting the of Slavery in these United States is a subject of migration or importation of Slaves, until after the deep concern among the people of this State ; and year 1808, does, by necessary implication, admit whereas we consider Slavery as an evil much to the general power of Congress over the subject be deplored ; and that every constitutional barrier of slavery, and concedes to them the right to regu. should be interposed to prevent its further extenlate and restrain such migration and importation sion; and that the Constitution of the United after that time, into the existing, or any newly-toStates clearly gives Congress the right to require be created State. of new States, not comprised with the original “5. Resolved, As the opinion of the Representaboundaries of these United States, the prohibition tives of the people of New-Jersey aforesaid, That of Slavery, as a condition of its admission into the inasmuch as Congress have a clear right to refuse Union : Therefore,

the admission of a Territory into the Union, by “Resolved (if the honorable the Senate concur the terms of the Constitution, they ought in the herein), That our Senators be instructed, and our present case to exercise that absolute discretion Representatives in Congress be requested, to op- in order to preserve the political rights of the pose the admission as a State into the Union, any several existing States, and prevent the great territory not comprised as aforesaid, without national disgrace and multiplied mischiefs, which making the prohibition of Slavery therein an in- must ensue from conceding it, as a matter of right, dispensable condition of admission : therefore, in the immense Territories yet to claim admission

"Resolved, That measures be taken by the clerks into the Union, beyond the Mississippi, that they of the Senate and Assembly of this State, to trans- may tolerate Slavery. mit copies of the preceding resolutions to each of “6. Resolved, (with the concurrence of Council,) our Senators and Representatives in Congress.” That the Governor of this State be requested to (Unanimously concurred in by the Seuate.] transmit a copy of the foregoing resolutions to

each of the Senators and Representatives of this

State in the Congress of the United States."
NEW JERSEY.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

PENNSYLVANIA.
January 24th, 1820.
Mr. Wilson of N. J. communicated the

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, following Resolutions of the Legislature of

December 11th, 1819.

} the State of New-Jersey, which were read :

A motion was made by Mr. Duane and "Whereas, A Bill is now depending in the Con- Mr. Thackara, and read as follows: gress of the United States, on the application of “ The Senate and House of Representatives of the people in the Territory of Missouri for the ad- the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, while they mission of that Territory as a State into the Union, cherish the right of the individual Stales to exnot containing provisions against Slavery in such press their opinion upon all public measures proproposed State, and a question is made upon the posed in the Congress of the Union, are aware right and expediency of such provision.

that its usefulness must in a great degree depend “The representatives of the people of Now-Jer- upon the discretion with which it is exercised; sey, in the Legislative Council and General they believe that the right ought not to be resorted Assembly of the said State, now in session, deem to upon trivial subjects or unimportant occasions ; it a duty they owe to themselves, to their constitu- but they are also persuaded that there are moents, and posterity, to declare and make known ments when the neglect to exercise it would be a the opinions they hold upon this momentous sub. dereliction of public duty. ject; and,

“Such an occasion, as in their judgment de "1. They do resolve and declare, That the further mands the frank expression of the sentiments of admission of Territories into the Union, without | Pennsylvania, is now presented. A measure was

}

ardeptly supported in the last Congress of the vested in them by the Constitution, to stipulate United States, and will probably be as earnestly with the Territorý upon the conditions of the urged during the existing session of that body, boon. which has a palpable tendency to impair the po. “ The Senate and House of Representatives of litical relations of the several Ştates ; which is cal. Pennsylvania, therefore, cannot but deprecate culated to mar the social happiness of the present any departure from the humane and enlightened and future generations; which, if adopted, would policy pursued not only by the illustrious Con. impede the march of humanity and Freedom gress which framed the Constitution, but by their through the world; and would transfer from a successors without exception. They are persuadmisguided ancestry an odious stain and fix it in- ed that, to open the fertile regions of the West to delibly upon the present race-a measure, in a servile race, would tend to increase their numbrief, which proposes to spread the crimes and bers beyond all past example, would open a new cruelties of Slavery from the banks of the Missis- and steady market for the lawless venders of husippi to the shores of the Pacific. When a mea- man flesh, and would render all schemes for oblitsure of this character is seriously advocated in erating this most foul blot upon the American the republican Congress of America, in the nine- character useless and unavailing. teenth century, the several States are invoked by “Under these convictions, and in the full perthe duty which they owe to the Deity, by the suasion that upon this topic there is but one opinveneration which they entertain for the memory ion in Pennsylvaniaof the founders of the Republic, and by a tender “Resolved by the Senate and House of Repreregard for posterity, to protest against its adoption, sentatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, to refuse to covenant with crime, and to limit the That the Senators of this state in the Congress of range of an evil that already hangs in awful bod- the United States be, and they are hereby ining over so large a portion of the Union.

structed, and that the Representatives of this * Nor can such a protest be entered by any State in the Congress of the United States be, and State with greater propriety than by Pennsylvania. they are bereby requested, to vote against the adThis commonwealih has as sacredly respected the mission of any Territory as a State into the Union, rights of other States as it has been careful of its unless said Territory shall stipulate and agree own; it has been the invariable aim of the people that 'the further introduction of Slavery or inof Pennsylvania to extend to the universe. by their voluntary servitude, except for the punishment of example, the unadulterated blessings of civil and crimes whereof the party shall have been duly religious freedom; and it is their pride that they convicted, shall be prohibited; and that all chilhave been at all times the practical advocates of dren born within the said Territory, after its adthose improvements and charities among men mission into the Union as a State, shall be free, which are so well calculated to enable them to an- but may be held to service until the age of twenswer the purposes of their Creator ; and above all, ty-five years.' they may boast that they were foremost in re- Resolved, That the Governor be, and he is moving the pollution of Slavery from among hereby requested to cause a copy of the foregoing them.

preamble and resolution to be transmitted to such “ If, indeed, the measure, against which Penn- of the Senators and Representatives of this State sylvania considers it her duty to raise her voice, in the Congress of the United States. were calculated to abridge any of the rights guar

“ Laid on the table." anteed to the several States ; 'if, odious as Slave

“THURSDAY, December 16, 1819. ry is, it was proposed to hasten its extinction by means injurious to the States upon which it was

Agreeably to the order of the day, the House unhappily entailed, Pennsylvania would be resumed the consideration of the resolutions postamong the first to insist upon a sacred observ- poned on the 14th inst., relative to preventing the ance of the constitutional compact. But it can introduction of Slavery into States hereafter to be States are at all to be affected by refusing to ex: Yeas and Nays were

required by Mr. Randall and not be pretended that the rights of any of the admitted into the Union. And on the question,

Will the House agree to the resolution ? the tend the mischiefs of human bondage over the boundless regions of the West, a territory which Mr. Souder: and stood—Yeas, 14—(54 Democrats, formed no part of the Union at the adoption of 20 Federalists); Nays, none. Among the Yeas the Constitution ; which has been but lately pur Randall of Philadelphia, now a Whig supporter

were David R. Porter, late Governor, Josiah chased from a European Power by the people of the Union at large ; which may or may not be ad- of Buchanan, William Wilkins, late minister to mitted as a State into the Union at the discretion Russia, now in the State Senate, Dr. Daniel of Congress ; which must establish a republican Sturgeon, late U. S. Senator, etc., etc. William form of Government, and no other; and whose Duane, editor of The Aurora, then the Democlimate affords none of the pretexts urged for re

cratic Organ, also voted for the resolutions, sorting to the labor of natives of the torrid zone;

as he had prominently advocated the principle such a territory has no right, inherent or acquired,

they asserted. such as those States possessed which established

“The Senate unanimously concurred, and the the existing Constitution. When that Constitu- Resolves were signed by Gov. William Findlay." tion was framed in September, 1787, the concession that three-fifths of the slaves in the States

DELAWARE. then existing should be represented in Congress, could not have been intended to embrace regions In Senate of the United States, early in at that time held by a foreign power. On the con- 1820, Mr. Van Dyke communicated the foltrary, so anxious were the Congress of that day lowing Resolutions of the Legislature of the home, that on the 13th of July, 1787, that body State of Delaware, which were read: unanimously declared that Slavery or involuntary Resolved, by the Senate and House of Represervitude should not exist in the extensive terri- sentatives of the State of Delaware, in General tories bounded by the Ohio, the Mississippi, Assembly met: That it is, in the opinion of this Canada and the Lakes ; and in the ninth article General Assembly, the constitutional right of the of the Constitution itself, the power of Congress United States, in Congress assembled, to enact to prohibit the emigration of servile persons after and establish, as one of the conditions for the ad1808, is expressly recognized; nor is there to be mission of a new State into the Union, a provision found in the statute-book a single instance of the which shall effectually prevent the further introadmission of a Territory to the rank of a State in duction of Slavery into such State; and that a duo which Congress have not adhered to the right, regard to the true interests of such Stato, as well

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