« 이전계속 »
MICHIGAN. - Kinsley S. Bingham, Robert acts for a series of years, is as unworthy of the McClelland, Charles E. Stuart--3.
age in which we live, as it is revolting to tho Wisconsin.--Mason C. Darling, William Pitt common sense and practice of mankind. It would Lynde-2.
conduce but little to our future security, or, in. Iowa.-William Thompson. 1.
deed, to our present reputation, to declare that Total Democrats from Free States.30.
we repudiate all expectation of compensation from
the Mexican Government, and are fighting, not Total Whigs from Free States-_-74. for any practical result, but for some vague, pero Nays, 21 Democrats from Free States, haps philanthropic object, which escapes my with 76 Democrats and Whigs from Slave penetration, and must be defined by those who States.
assume this new principle of national intercom
munication. All wars are to be deprecated, as Mr. Pollock of Pa. moved that this vote well by the statesman as by the philantbropist. be reconsidered, and that the motion to re- They are great ovile; but there are greater evils consider do lie on the table ; which prevailed than these, and submission to injustice is among -Yeas, 113 ; Nays, 96._ (Vote same as be- its rights and its honor, when assailed, would fore, except that Mr. Franklin Clark of soon have neither to defend; and, when driven to Maine changed from the minority to the war, it is not by professions of disinterestedness majority.)
and declarations of magnanimity that its rational So Mr. Clayton's project of Compromise objects can be best obtained, or other nations
taught a lesson of forbearance-the strongest sewas defeated.
curity for permanent peace. We are at war with
Mexico, and its vigorous prosecution is the surest GEN. CASS'S NICHOLSON LETTER.
means of its speedy termination, and ample inImmediately after the adjournment of demnity the surest guaranty against the recur
rence of such injustice as provoked it. Congress, in 1847, Gen. Cass was currently The Wilmot Proviso has been before the counreported to have expressed his favorable try some time. It has been repeatedly discussed opinion of the Wilmot Proviso, and his re- in Congress, and by the public Press. I am gret that Mr. Davis's untimely remarks in strongly impressed with the opinion, that a great the Senate had deprived him (Cass) of an this subject, in my own as well as others ; and
change has been going on in the public mind upon opportunity of recording his vote in its favor. that doubts are resolving themselves into convicThis remark he was said to have made in a tions, that the principle it involves should be kept railroad car, on his homeward journey from out of the National Legislature, and left to the Washington. If such a position were taken people of the confederacy in their respective local
governinents. by him, however, it was not long maintained ; The whole subject is a comprehensive one, and as the following letter from his pen appeared fruitful of important consequences. It would be during the winter of 1847–8, and proved a ill-timed to discuss it here. I shall not assume prelude to the nomination of the writer for such general views 'as are necessary to the fair President, by the Democratic National Con- exhibition of my opinions. vention which assembled at Baltimore in the We may well regret the existence of Slavery in spring of 1848. It may be regarded as the the Southern States, and wish they had been first logical and well-considered enunciation saved from its introduction. But there it is, not of the doctrine of “Squatter Sovereignty."
by the act of the present generation; and we must
deal with it as a great practical question, involvGen. Cass to A. 0. P. Nicholson.
ing the most momentous consequences. We have
neither the right nor the power to touch it where WASHINGTON, Dec. 24, 1847. it exists; and if we had both, their exercise, by Dear Sir,--I have received your letter, and any means heretofore suggested, might lead to shall answer it as frankly as it is written.
results which no wise man would willingly en. You ask me whether I am in favor of the accounter, and which no good man could contemquisition of Mexican territory, and what are my plate without anxiety. sentiments with regard to the Wilmot Proviso. The theory of our Government presupposes
I have so often and so explicitly stated my that its various members have reserved to themviews of the first question, in the Senate, that it selves the regulation of all subjects relating to seems almost unnecessary to repeat them here. what may be termed their internal police. They As you request it, however, I shall briefly give are sovereign within their boundaries, except in them.
those cases where they have surrendered to the I think, then, that no peace should be granted General Government a portion of their rights, in to Mexico, till á reasonable indemnity is obtained order to give effect to the objects of the Union, for the injuries which she has done us. The ter- whether these concern foreign nations or the severitorial extent of this indemnity is, in the first ral States themselves. Local institutions, if I instance, a subject of Executive consideration. may so speak, whether they have reference to There the Constitution has placed it, and there I Slavery or to any other relations, domestic or am willing to leave it: not only because I have public, are left to local authority, either original full confidence in its judicious exercise, but be- or derivative. Congress has no right to say that cause, in the ever-varying circumstances of a war, there shall be Slavery in New-York, or that there it would be indiscreet, by a public declaration, shall be no Slavery in Georgia ; nor is there any to commit the country to any line of indemnity, other human power, but the people of those States, which might otherwise be enlarged, as the obsti- respectively, which can change the relations exnate injustice of the enemy prolongs the contest, isting therein ; and they can say, if they will, We with its loss of blood and treasure.
will have Slavery in the former, and we will It appears to me, that the kind of metaphysical abolish it in the latter. magnanimity which would reject all indemnity In various respects, the Territories differ from at the close of a bloody and expensive war, the States. Some of their rights are inchoate, and brought on by a direct attack upon our troops by they do not possess the peculiar attributes of the enemy, and preceded by a succession of unjust sovereignty. Their relation to the General Gov.
ernment is very imperfectly defined by the Con- it. It should be limited to the creation of proper Blitution; and it will be found, upon examination, governments for new countries, acquired or set. that in that instrument the only grant of power tled. and to the necessary provision for their concerning them is conveyed in the phrase, eventual admission into the Union ; leaving, in “Congress shall have the power to dispose of and the mean time, to the people inhabiting them, to make all needful rules and regulations, respecting regulate their internal concerns in their own way. the territory and other property belonging to the They are just as capable of doing so as the peoUnited States." Certainly this phraseulogy is ple of the States; and they can do so, at any very luose, if it were designed to include in the rate as soon as their political independence is grant the whole power of legislation over persons, recognized by admission into the Union. During as well as things. The expression, the "territory this temporary condition, it is hardly expedient and other property,” fairly construed, relates to to call into exercise a doubtful and invidious the public lands, as such ; to arsenals, dockyards, authority, which questions the intelligence of a forts, ships, and all the various kinds of property respectable portion of our citizens, and whose which the United States may and must possess. limitation, whatever it may be, will be rapidly
But surely the simple authority to dispose of approaching its termination-an authority which and regulate these does not extend to the un: would give to Congress despotic power, unconlimited power of legislation ; to the passage of all trolled by the Constitution, over most important laws, in the most general acceptation of the word; sections of our common country. For, if the rewhich, by-the-by, is carefully excluded from the lation of master and servant may be regulated or sentence. And, indeed, if this were so, it would annihilated by its legislation, so may the regularender unnecessary another provision of the Con- tion of husband and wife, of parent and child, stitution, which grants to Congress the power to and of any other condition which our institutions legislate, with the consent of the States, respec. and the habits of our society recognize. What tively, over all places purchased for the “ erec-would be thought if Congress should undertake tion of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards,” etc. to prescribe the terms of marriage in New York, These being the property of the United States, or to regulate the authority of parents over their if the power to make needful rules and regula children in Pennsylvania ? And yet it would be tions concerning" them includes the general as vain to seek one justifying the interference of power of legislation, then the grant of authority the national legislature in the cases referred to in to regulate the territory and other property of the original States of the Union. I speak here the United States” is unlimited, wherever subjects of the inherent power of Congress, and do not are found for its operation, and its exercise needed touch the question of such contracts as may be no auxiliary provision. If, on the other hand, it formed with new States when admitted into the does not include such power of legislation over the confederacy. “other property of the United States, then it Of all the questions that can agitate us, those does not include it over their “ territory;" for the which are merely sectional in their character are same terms which grant the one, grant the other. the most dangerous, and the most to be depre“ Territory” is here classed with property, and cated. The warning voice of bim who from his treated as such; and the object was evidently to character and services and virtue had the best enable the General Government, as a property right to warn us, proclaimed to his countrymen, holder—which, froin necessity, it must be-to in his Farewell Address—that monument of wismanage, preserve and dispose of such property dom for him, as I hope it will be of safety for as it might possess, and which authority is essen- them-how much we had to apprebend from tial almost to its being. But the lives and persons measures peculiarly affecting geographical secof our citizens, with the vast variety of objects tions of our country. The grave circumstances connected with them, cannot be controlled by an in which we are now placed make these words authority which is merely called into existence words of safety; for I am satisfied, from all I for the purpose of making rules and regulations have seen and heard here, that a successful atfor the disposition and management of property. tempt to engraft the principles of the Wilmot
Such, it appears to me, would be the construc- Proviso upon the legislation of this Government, tion put upon this provision of the Constitution, and to apply them to new territory, should new were this question now first presented for consid territory be acquired, would seriously affect our eration, and not controlled by imperious circum- tranquillity., I do not suffer myself to foresee or stances. The original ordinance of the Congress to foretell the consequences that would ensue; of the Confederation, passed in 1787, and which for I trust and believe there is good sense and was the only act upon this subject in force at the good feeling enough in the country to avoid them, adoption of the Constitution, provided a complete by avoiding all occasions which might lead to frame of government for the country north of
them. the Ohio, while in a territorial condition, and for Briefly, then, I am opposed to the exercise of its eventual admission in separate States into the any jurisdiction by Congress over this matter ; Union. And the persuasion that this ordinance and I am in favor of leaving to the people of any contained within itself all the necessary means territory, which may be hereafter acquired, tho of execution, probably prevented any direct re- right to regulate it for themselves, under the ference to the subject in the Constitution, further general principles of the Constitution. Bethan vesting in Congress the right to admit the States formed under it into the Union. However, 1. I do not see in the Constitution any grant of circumstances arose, which required legislation, the requisite power to Congress; and I am not as well over the territory north of the Ohio as disposed to extend a doubtful precedent beyond over other territory, both within and without the its necessity—the establishment of territorial original Union, ceded to the general Government, governments when needed-leaving to the inhabitand, at various times, a more enlarged power has ants all the rights compatible with the relations been exercised over the Territories-meaning they bear to the confederation. thereby the different Territorial Governments- 2. Because I believe this measure, if adopted, than is conveyed by the limited grant referred to. would weaken, if not impair, the union of the How far an existing necessity may have operated States; and would sow the seeds of future discord, in producing this legislation, and thus extending, which would grow up and ripen into an abundant by rather a violent implication, powers not direct- harvest of calamity. lý given, I know not." But certain it is that the 3. Because I believe a general conviction that principle of interference should not be carried be- such a proposition would succeed, would lead to
the necessary implication, which produces an immediate withholding of the supplies, and
thus to a dishonorable termination of the war. I our efforts seem at present directed, unite in repthink no dispassionate observer at the seat of resenting those countries as agricultural regions, Government can doubt this result.
similar in their products to our Middle States, and 4. If, however, in this I am under a misappre- generally unfit for the production of the great hension, I am under none in the practical opera- staples which can alone render Slave labor valution of this restriction, if adopted by Congress, able. If we are not grossly deceived-and it is upon a treaty of peace, making any acquisition difficult to conceive how we can be—the inhabit. of Mexican territory. Such a treaty would be ants of those regions, whether they depend upon rejected as certainly as presented to the Senate. their plows or their herds, cannot be slaveholders. More than one-third of that body would vote Involuntary labor, requiring the investment of against it, viewing such a principle as an exclu- large capital, can only be profitable when emsion of the citizens of the slaveholding States ployed in the production of a few favored articles from a participation in the benefits acquired by confined by nature to special districts, and paying the treasure and exertions of all, and which larger returns than the usual agricultural products should be common to all. I am repeating, spread over more considerable portions of the neither advancing nor defending these views. earth. That branch of the subject does not lie in my In the able letter of Mr. Buchanan upon this way, and I shall not turn aside to seek it.
subject, not long since given to the public, he In this aspect of the matter, the people of the presents similar considerations with great force. United States must choose between this restric- 'Neither," says the distinguished writer, "the tion and the extension of their territorial limits. soil, the climate, nor the productions of California They cannot have both; and which they will sur- south of 36° 30', nor indeed of any portion of it, render must depend upon their representatives North or South, is adapted to Slave labor; and first, and then, if these fail them, upon them- beside every facility would be there afforded for selves.
the slave to escape from his master. Such pro 5. But after all, it seems to be generally con-perty would be entirely insecure in any part of ceded that this restriction, if carried into effect, California. It is morally impossible, therefore, could not operate upon any State to be formed that a majority of the emigrants to that portion from newly-acquired territory. The well-known of the territory south of 36° 30', which will be attributes of sovereignty, recognized by us as chiefly composed of our citizens, will ever rebelonging to the State Governments, would sweep establish Slavery within its limits. before them any such barrier, and would leave “In regard to New Mexico, east of the Rio the people to express and exert their will at plea- Grande, the question has already been settled by
Is the object, then, of temporary exclusion the admission of Texas into the Union. for so short a period as the duration of the Terri. “Should we acquire territory beyond the Rio torial Governinents, worth the price at which it Grande and east of the Rocky Mountains, it is it would be purchased ?-worth the discord it still more impossible that a majority of the people would engender, the trial to which it would expose would consent to re-establish Slavery. They are our Union, and the evils that would be the certain themselves a colored population, and among ihem consequence, let the trial result as it might? As the negro does not belong socially to a degraded to the course, which has been intimated, rather race.' than proposed, of engrafting such a restriction With this last remark, Mr. Walker fully coinupon any treaty of acquisition, I persuade myself cides in his letter written in 1814, upon the annex. it would find but little favor in any portion of this ation of Texas, and which everywhere produced country. Such an arrangement would render so favorable an impression upon the public inind, Mexico a party, having a right to interfere in our as to have conduced very materially to the acinternal institutions in questions left by the Con- complishment of that great measure. Beyond stitution to the State Governments, and would in the Del Norte,” says Mr. Walker, “Slavery will flict a serious blow upon our fundamental princi- not pass ; not only because it is forbidden by law, ples. Few, indeed, I trust, there are among us but because the colored race there preponderates who would thus grant to a foreign power the right in the ratio of ten to one over the whites; and to inquire into the constitution and conduct of the holding, as they do, the government and most of sovereign States of this Union ; and if there are the offices in their possession, they will not permit any, I am not among them, nor never shall be. To the enslavement of any portion of the colored the people of this country, under God, now and race, which makes and executes the laws of the hereafter, are its destinies committed'; and we country.” want no foreign power to interrogate us, treaty in The question, it will be therefore seen on exhand, and to say, Why have you done this, or amination, does not regard the exclusion of Slavwhy have you left that undone ? Our own dignity ery from a region where it now exists, but a proand the principles of national independence unite hibition against its introduction where it does not to repel such a proposition.
exist, and where, from the feelings of the inbabit. But there is another important consideration, ants and the laws of nature, “it is morally imwhich ought not to be lost sight of, in the in- possible," as Mr. Buchanan says, that it can vestigation of this subject. The question that ever re-establish itself. presents itself is not a question of the increase, It augurs well for the permanence of our conbut of the diffusion of Slavery. Whether its federation, that during more than half a century, sphere be stationary or progressive, its amount which has elapsed since the establishment of this will be the same. The rejection of this restriction Government, many serious questions, and some will not add one to the class of servitude, nor will of the highest importance, have agitated the pubits adoption give freedom to a single being who lic mind, and more than once threatened the is now placed therein. The same numbers will be gravest consequences ; but that they have all in spread over greater territory; and, so far as com- succession passed away, leaving our institutions pression, with less abundance of the necessaries unscathed, and our country advancing in num. of life, is an evil, so far will that evil be mitigated bers, power, and wealth, and in all the other ele. by transporting slaves to a new country, and giv- ments of national prosperity, with a rapidity uning them a larger space to occupy.
known in ancient or in modern days. "In times I say this in the event of the extension of Slavery of political excitement, when difficult and delicate over any new acquisition. But can it go there? questions present themselves for solution, there is This may well be doubted. All the descriptions one ark of safety for us ; and that is, an honest which reach us of the condition of the Californias appeal to the fundamental principles of our Union, and New Mexico, to the acquisition of which I and a stern determination to abide their dictates.
This course of proceeding has carried us in safety PENNSYLVANIA-Charles Brown, Charles J. Inthrough many a trouble, and I trust will carry us gersoll—2. safely through many more, should many more be OH -William Kennon, jun., John K. Miller, destined to assail us. The Wilmot Proviso sceks William Sawyer-3. to take from its legitimate tribunal a question of ILLINOIS. - William A. Richardson-1. domestic policy, having no relation to the Union, Iowa.--Shepherd Leffler-1. as such, and to transfer it to another, created by
Total Nays from Free States—8. the people for a special purpose, and foreign to the subject matter involved in this issue. By Mr. Robinson of Ind. moved a reconsideragoing back to our true principles, we go back to tion of this vote, which motion (Dec. 18), the road of peace and safety. Leave to the peo on motion of Mr. Wentworth of Ill., was ple, who will be affected by this question, to ad. just it upon their own responsibility, and in their laid on the table: Yeas, 105 ; Nays, 83. own manner, and we shall render another tribute [Messrs. Clapp, Clark, and Wiley of Me., to the original principles of our Government, and voted to lay on the table, as did Messrs. furnish another guaranty for its permanence and Lord of N. Y., Job Mann of Pa., Richey prosperity. I am, dear sir, respectfully your of Ohio, Henley and Wick of Indiana, R. obedient servant, A. 0. P. NICHOLSON, Esq., Nashville, Tenn.
Smith of Ill. Messrs. C. Brown and Levin of Pa. did not now vote. The rest, very
much as before, except that a few more The next session of the same Congress voted.] opened under very different auspices. The
Dec. 20th.-Mr. C. B. Smith accordingly Mexican War had been terminated, so that none could longer be deterred from voting Government of Upper California, which was
reported a bill, establishing the Territorial for Slavery Exclusion by a fear that the read twice and committed. prosecution of hostilities would thereby be embarrassed. General Taylor had been the organization of New Mexico, which took
Jan. 3rd.—He reported a similar bill for elected President, receiving the votes of De
the same direction. laware, Maryland, North Carolina, Georgia,
Jan. 15th.-Mr. Julius Rockwell of Mass. Kentucky, 'Tennessee, Louisiana, and Florida moved that these bills be made the special -a moiety of the Slave States--over Gen. order for the 23d instant. Negatived : Yeas, Cass, now the avowed opponent of Slavery 114 (not two-thirds); Nays, 71 (nearly a Restriction. Many of the Northern Demo
sectional vote). crats considered themselves absolved by this
Feb. 26-7th. The bill was taken out of vote from all extra-constitutional obligations committee, and engrossed for a third reading. to the South, and voted accordingly.
Mr. Meade of Va. moved that it do lie on Dec. 13.-Mr. J. M. Root of Ohio, offered the table. Negatived : Yeas, 86 ; Nays, She following:
127. “ Resolved, That the Committee on Territories It was then passed by the following similar be instructed to report to this House, with as little vote : delay as practicable, a bill or bills providing a Yeas—All the Whigs from the Free territorial government for each of the Territories States, with Aylett Buckner (Whig) of Ky., of New Mexico and California, and excluding and all the Democrats also, except Slavery therefrom."
PENSYLVANIA.-Samuel A. Bridges-1. A call of the House was had, and the pre- Oh10.-William Kennon, jun., John K. Miller, vious question ordered.
William Sawyer-3. Mr. W. P. Hall of Mo. moved that the Total-4. same do lie on the table. Lost : Yeas, 80 ;
Nays-All the Members from Slave Nays, 106. The resolve then passed : Yeas, 108 ; the addition of those from Free States just
States, except Mr. Buckner aforesaid, with Nays, 80, viz. :
mentioned. Yeas-All the Whigs from Free States, and all This bill was read twice in the Senate, the Democrats, but those noted as Nays below (Feb. 28th), and referred to the Committee including the following, who had voted against
on Territories. the same principle at the former session :
MAINE.-Asa W. H. Clapp, James S. Wiley-2. March 3d.-Said Committee was dischargNEW YORK.-Frederick W. Lord-1.
ed from its further consideration, and Mr. OH10.-Thomas Richey-1.
Indiana. -Charles W Cathcart, Thomas J. Douglas moved that it be taken up in Senate, Henley, John L. Robinson, William' w. Wick—4. which was negatived. Yeas, 25 ; Nays, 28 ILLINOIS.-Robert Smith-1.
(all but a sectional vote). That was the Messrs. Clark and H. Williams of Maine, Bird- end of the bill; the Senate having already sall and Maclay of New York, Brodhead and determined to affix its essential provisions to Mann of Pa., Pettit of Ind., Ficklin and McClel the Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation bill, land of Ill., who voted with the South at the for- and thus avoid and defeat the Slavery Exclumer session---now failed to vote.
Mr. Jackson of N.Y., who then voted with the sion contained in the House bill, and force South, had been succeeded by Mr. H. Greeley, the House to agree to organize the Terriwho voted with the North.
Nays--All the Members voting from the Slave tories, without such provision, or leave the States, with the following from the Free States :
Government without appropriations. How NEW-YORK.-Honry C. Murphy-1,
this succeeded, we shall see.
The Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation
Davis of Miss.
Mason, bill having passed the House in the usual
Rusk, form, came up to the Senate, where it was de
Sebastian, bated several days.
Sturgeon, Feb. 21st.-Mr. Walker of Wisc. moved Fitzgerald,
Turner, an amendment, extending all the laws of the Fitzpatrick,
Underwood, Foote, Miss.
Walker, United States, so far as applicable, to the
Westcott, Territories acquired from Mexico.
Yulee-29. Mr. Bell of Tenn. moved to add further sections organizing the State of California, NAYS— Against Mr. Walker's proposition : to be admitted into the Union on the 1st of Messrs. Allen,
Hale, (Bell, Dodge of Iowa, Douglas, Davis) ; Baldwin,
Hamlin, Nays 39.
Juhnson, Md. Feb. 26th.-Mr. Dayton of N. J. moved
Jones, that the President be vested with power to
Niles, provide a suitable temporary government for Corwin,
Pearce, the Territories. Rejected ; Yeas 8; Nays
Davis of Mass.
Wales, amendment, modified so as to read as fol
Webster-27. lows :
The bill being returned to the House, thus “Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the amended, this amendment was (March 2d) Constitution of the United States, in so far as the voted down-Yeas 101 ; Nays 115—as folprovisions of the same be applicable to the condition of a Territory of the United States, and all lows : and singular the several acts of Congress respect- Yeas, all the members from the Slave ing the registering, recording, enrolling, or licens. States, with the following from the Free ing ships, or vessels, and the entry and clearance States, viz. : thereof, and the foreign and coasting trade and fisheries, and all the acts respecting the imposing Maine-Hezekiah Williams-1. and collecting the duties on imports, and all the NEW YORK-Ausburn Birdsall-1. acts respecting trade and intercourse with the PENNSYLVANIA-Samuel A. Bridges, Richard Indian tribes, and all the acts respecting the pub- Brodhead, Charles Brown, Charles J. Ingersoll, lic lands, or the survey or sale thereof, and all and Lewis C. Levin–5. singular the other acts of Congress of a public and OHIO—William Kennon, jr., William Sawyer general character, and the provisions whereof are -2. suitable and proper to be applied to the territory Illinois—Orlando B. Ficklin, John A. McWest of the Rio del Norte, acquired from Mexico Clernand, William A. Richardson—3. by the treaty of the second day of February, IOWA_Shepherd Leffler-1. 1848, be, and the same are hereby, extended over. and given full force and efficiency in Total, thirteen from Free States ; eightyall said territory; and the President of the eight from Slave States. (Only two from United States is hereby authorized to prescribe Slave States absent or silent.) and establish all proper and needful rules and regulations in conformity with the Constitution of Nays, all the Whigs from Free States, the United States) for the enforcement of the pro- and all the Democrats from Free States, exvisions of the Constitution herein before referred cept those named above. to, of said laws in said territory, and for the pre
So the House refused to concur in this servation of order and tranquillity, and the establishment of justice therein, and from time amendment, and the bill was returned to the to time to modify or change the said rules and Senate accordingly. regulations in such manner as may seem to him The Senate resolved to insist on its discreet and proper ; and to establish, temporarily, amendment, and ask a conference, which was such divisions, districts, ports, offices, and all arrangements proper for the execution of said laws, granted, but resulted in nothing. Messrs. and appoint and commission such officers as may Atherton of N. H., Dickinson of N. Y., be necessary to administer such laws in said ter- and Berrien of Ga., were managers on the ritory, for such term or terms as he may prescribe, part of the Senate, and insisted on its provided by Congress; said officers to receive amendment, organizing the Territories withsuch compensation as the President may prescribe, out restriction as to Slavery. Messrs. Vinnot exceeding double the compensation heretofore ton of Ohio, Nicoll of N. Y., and Morehead paid to similar officers of the United States or its of Ky., were appointed on the part of the territories, for like services ; and to enable the
These, after a long sitting, reportsame to be done, the sum of two hundred thousand dollars be appropriated, out of any money in the ed their inability to agree, and were distreasury not otherwise appropriated.”
The bill being now returned to the House, YEAS—For Mr. Walker's proposition :
Mr. McClernand of III. moved that the Messrs. Atchison,
Houston, House do recede from its disagreement; CarBell,
ried : Yeas 111; Nays 106.
Johnson of La.
Johnson of Ga. Mr. Morehead of Ky. moved to amend
so as to provide that nothing in this section