PART III-WOMAN ANd the sufFRAGE EQUAL SUFFRAGE—A PROBLEM OF POLITICAL JUSTICE................. Anna Howard Shaw, President, National American Woman Suffrage WOMAN SUFFRAGE OPPOSED TO WOMAN'S RIGHTS.... Mrs. Arthur M. Dodge, President, National Association Opposed THE SOCIALIZING INFLUENCE OF THE BALLOT UPON WOMEN. 105 Emilie J. Hutchinson, Instructor in Economics, Barnard College, Mary Winsor, Chairman of the Pennsylvania Congressional Com- mittee of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, and President of the Pennsylvania Limited Equal Suffrage League. Ella Seass Stewart, Ex-President, Illinois Equal Suffrage Associa- tion, and former Secretary, National American Woman Suffrage BOOK DEPARTMENT NOTES BROWN-The Minimum Wage (p. 173); BROWN-The New Politics (p. 173); CHAPSEY-The Rise of the Working-Class (p. 174); DOWRIE-The Development of Banking in Illinois, 1817-1863 (p. 174); FAYLE-The New Patriotism: a Study in Social Obligations (p. 174); GILLETTE-The Family and Society (p. 175); HAUSER-Die Amerikansche Bankreform (p. 175); HILLQUIT AND RYAN— Socialism: Promise or Menace? (p. 175); ILBERT-The Government of India (p. 175); Kelley—Modern Industry in Relation to the Family, Health, Education, Morality (p. 176); MÜNSTERBERG-The War and America (p. 176); RUSSELLThese Shifting Scenes (p. 176); WEI-The Currency Problem in China (p. 177); WHITIN-The Caged Man (p. 177); Who's Who in America, 1914-15 (p. 177). REVIEWS BURR-Religious Confessions and Confessants (p. 177)... .R. M. Jones the Death of Elizabeth (p. 178).... LYTTON-Prisons and Prisoners (p. 183). .G. B. Roorbach J. P. Lichtenberger TILLETT-Introduction to Herbert Spencer's Synthetic Phil osophy (p. 184)..... WICKERSHAM-The Changing Order (p. 185).. .A. Fleisher J. P. Lichtenberger .E. Jones WORCESTER-The Philippines Past and Present (p. 186).... .G. B. Roorbach THE LARGER ASPECTS OF THE WOMAN'S MOVEMENT BY JANE ADDAMS, President, Hull-House Association, Chicago. Perhaps no presentation of history is so difficult as that which treats of the growth of a new consciousness; but assuming that the historic review, now so universal in the field of social judgment and investigation, is applicable to any current development, I have ventured to apply it to that disturbing manifestation called the "votes-for-women" movement, which at the present moment is not only the centre of hot debate but, unhappily, also of conduct which in the minds of many is most unseemly. Because I shall need the indulgence of the reader who may kindly follow this review, I will at once recall to his mind the statement of an ironic Englishman that it would be better to be convicted of petty larceny than to be found wanting in historic mindedness. To begin then with the world-wide aspect of the votes-for-women movement-that there may be nothing more petty about us than the theme itself imposes-it is possible to make certain classifications of underlying trends, which, while not always clear, and sometimes overlapping, are yet international in their manifestations. First: the movement is obviously a part of that evolutionary conception of self-government which has been slowly developing through the centuries. For the simple reason that self-government must ever be built up anew in relation to changing experiences, its history is largely a record of new human interests which have become the object of governmental action, and of the incorporation into the body politic of the classes representing those interests. As the governing classes have been enlarged by the enfranchisement of one body of men after another, government itself has not only become enriched through new human interests, but at the same time it has become further democratized through the accession of the new classes representing those interests. The two propositions are complementary. When the middle classes in every country in Europe struggled to wrest governmental power from the exclusive grasp of the nobles, the existing governments were already concerned with levying tariffs and embargoes, and the merchants insisted, not only that the problems of a rising commerce could not be settled by self interested nobles, but that they themselves must have direct representation before those problems could even be stated intelligently. When the working men of the nineteenth century, the chartist in England and "the men of forty-eight" in Germany, vigorously demanded the franchise, national parliaments had already begun to regulate the condition of mines and the labor of little children. The working men insisted that they themselves could best represent their own interests, but, at the same time, their very entrance into government increased in volume the pressure of those interests. In certain aspects, the entrance of women into government differs from former efforts in the extension of the franchise. We recall that the final entrance of the middle class into government was characterized by two dramatic revolutions, one in America and one in France, neither of them without bloodshed. This worldwide entrance into government on the part of women is happily a bloodless one and has been without a semblance of violence save in England where its manifestations are not unlike those of the earlier movement among English workingmen. Throughout those efforts so to change political institutions that they might effectively give expression to the growth of new experiences, the dependence of the political machine for its driving force upon the many varieties of social fuel constantly was made clear. It was, after all, rather an astute statesman who remarked that "What liberty and prosperity depend upon are the souls of men." Certain it is that the phenomenal entrance of woman into governmental responsibilities in the dawn of the twentieth century is co-incident with the consideration by governmental bodies of the basic human interests with which women have traditionally been concerned, quite as the membership of the middle class and that of the working class each in turn followed its own interests and became a part of representative government. The new demand of women for political enfranchisement comes at a time when unsatisfactory and degraded social conditions are held responsible for so much wretchedness and when the fate of all the unfortunate, the suffering, and the criminal, is daily forced upon woman's attention in painful and intimate ways. At the same |