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PAMPHLET SERIES

AMERICA AND THE EUROPEAN WAR. By NORMAN ANGELL
AMERICAN LEADERSHIP FOR PEACE AND ARBITRATION. By CARL SCHURZ
ANGLO-AMERICAN AGREEMENT OF 1817. By CHARLES H. LEVERMORE
COMMISSION OF INQUIRY: THE WILSON-BRYAN PEACE PLAN. By DENYS P.

MYERS
CONCERNING SEA POWER. By DAVID STARR JORDAN
CONFERENCE OF NEUTRAL STATES
DRAIN OF ARMAMENTS. By ARTHUR W. ALLEN
DREADNOUGHTS AND DIVIDENDS. EXPOSURE OF THE ARMAMENTS

RING. By PHILIP SNOWDEN, M.P. FORCES THAT MAKE FOR PEACE. By Hon. WILLIAM J. BRYAN FORCES WARRING AGAINST WAR. By HAVELOCK ELLIS FOUNDATIONS OF A LEAGUE OF PEACE. By G. LOWES DICKINSON IMMUNITY OF PRIVATE PROPERTY AT SEA. By JOSEPH H. CHOATE INSTRUCTIONS TO THE AMERICAN DELEGATES TO THE HAGUE CONFER

ENCES, 1899 and 1907. By JOHN HAY and ELHU ROOT MISSION OF THE UNITED STATES IN THE CAUSE OF PEACE. By DAVID J.

BREWER OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS CONCERNING NEUTRAL AND BELLIGERENT RIGHTS

ISSUED SINCE AUGUST 4, 1914. Separate pamphlets with individual titles

as follows: NEUTRALITY PROCLAIMED AND EXPLAINED; APPENDIX, THE DECLARATION OF

LONDON. WAR ZONES. WAR ZONES (CONTINUED), INTERFERENCE WITH AMERICAN TRADE WITH NEUTRALS. FOODSTUFFS CARGO OF THE WILHELMINA” IN BRITISH PRIZE COURT, GERMAN

AND AUSTRIAN ATTITUDE TOWARD AMERICAN TRADE, SINKING OF THE WILLIAM

P. FRYE.” SINKING OF THE “LUSITANIA," AND ATTACKS ON THE “FALABA," "GULFLIGHT,” “Cush

ING, AND "NEBRASKAN." ORGANIZING THE PEACE WORK. By EDWIN GINN OUTLINE OF LESSONS ON WAR AND PEACE. By LUCIA AMES MEAD PANAMA CANAL TOLLS: THE OBLIGATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES. By

Hon. ELIAU Root PANAMA CANAL TOLLS, OUR DUTY CONCERNING. By THOMAS RAEBURN WHITE

and CHARLEMAGNE TOWER RIGHT AND WRONG OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE. By CHARLES F. DOLE SOME SUPPOSED JUST CAUSES OF WAR. By JACKSON H. RALSTON SUGGESTIONS FOR LECTURES ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. By CHARLES

H. LEVERMORE
SYNDICATES FOR WAR. London Correspondence of the New York Evening Post
UNITED STATES OF EUROPE. By VICTOR HUGO
WAR NOT INEVITABLE. By Hon. JOHN W. FOSTER
WASHINGTON, JEFFERSON AND FRANKLIN ON WAR. By EDWIN D. MEAD
WASTE OF MILITARISM. From the report of the Massachusetts Commission on the

Cost of Living, 1910
WOMAN AND WAR. By EDWIN D. MEAD
WORLD PEACE FOUNDATION: WORK IN 1914

Single copies free. Price in quantities on application

Volume title-pages for binding furnished on request

WORLD PEACE FOUNDATION

40 Mt. Vernon Street

Boston, Mass.

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Estalen Dr. L. f. Hubbard
12.100/1984
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CONTENTS.

PAGE

21

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THE NEW PAN AMERICANISM

INTRODUCTION.

The object of this publication is to bring together the essential utterances and facts that contribute to a clearer definition of a Pan American league of peace. It would be interesting to review events of the nineteenth century that have exhibited the Monroe doctrine in the light of the common interests of American sovereignties and peoples. Such a story would extend from the Congress of Panamá in 1826 up to the International American Conference of 1889-90 and its successors in the series of Pan American conferences, with all that they have implied. But we confine ourselves to the most recent manifestations of Pan Americanism, believing that they introduce the promise of new harmonies, to which earlier events have been something like a prelude.

The first official statement which clearly voiced the ideals of the new Pan Americanism was the speech made by Hon. Elihu Root before the Third International American Congress at Rio de Janeiro, July 31, 1906. At that time Mr. Root, who was then secretary of state in President Roosevelt's cabinet, expounded the doctrine of American international solidarity of interests. The most significant sentences of that address are here quoted:

... No nation can live unto itself alone and continue to live. Each nation's growth is a part of the development of the race. It is with nations as it is with individual men; intercourse, association, correction of egotism by the influence of other's judgment, broadening of views by the experience and thought of equals, acceptance of the moral standards of a community the desire for whose good opinion lends a sanction to the rules of right conduct-these are the conditions of growth in civilization.

To promote this mutual interchange and assistance between the American Republics, engaged in the same great task, inspired by the same purpose, and professing the same principles, I understand to be the function of the American Conference now in session. There is not one of all our countries that cannot benefit the others; there is not one that cannot receive benefit from the others; there is not one that will not gain by the prosperity, the peace, the happiness of all. ...

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The association of so many eminent men from all the Republics, leaders of opinion in their own homes; the friendships that will arise among you; the habit of temperate and kindly discussion of matters of common interest; the ascertainment of common sympathies and aims; the dissipation of misunderstandings; the exhibition to all the American peoples of this peaceful and considerate method of conferring upon international questions—this alone, quite irrespective of the resolutions you may adopt and the conventions you may sign, will mark a substantial advance in the direction of international good understanding.

These beneficent results the Government and the people of the United States of America greatly desire.

We wish for no victories but those of peace; for no territory except our own; for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. We deem the independence and equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of the family of nations entitled to as much respect as those of the greatest empire, and we deem the observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak against the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor desire any rights, or privileges, or powers that we do not freely concede to every American Republic. We wish to increase our prosperity, to expand our trade, to grow in wealth, in wisdom, and in spirit, but our conception of the true way to accomplish this, is not to pull down others and profit by their ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a common growth, that we may all become greater and stronger together.

Within a few months, for the first time, the recognized possessors of every foot of soil upon the American continents can be and I hope will be represented with the acknowledged rights of equal sovereign states in the great World Congress at The Hague. This will be the world's formal and final acceptance of the declaration that no part of the American continents is to be deemed subject to colonization. Let us pledge ourselves to aid each other in the full performance of the duty to humanity which that accepted declaration implies, so that in time the weakest and most unfortunate of our Republics may come to march with equal step by the side of the stronger and more fortunate. Let us help each other to show that for all the races of men the liberty for which we have fought and labored is the twin sister of justice and peace. Let us unite in creating and maintaining and making effective an all-American public opinion, whose power shall influence international conduct and prevent international wrong and narrow the causes of war, and forever preserve our free lands from the burden of such armaments as are massed behind the frontiers of Europe, and bring us ever nearer to the perfection of ordered

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