traced its topographical antiquities to their fource may not be unworthy their notice, We are naturally inclined to think what is of importance to ourselves deferves to be accounted fo to others. Thefe anecdotes have informed and amufed the collector:if they only amufe the readers I fhall not be abfolutely condemn. ed; if they inform them, my paffion for British antiquities becomes a zeal to ferve the public.

The body of the work itfelf opens with an accurate differtation upon the Roman geography of Britain; but it would be injuring the whole to give any partial quotation from it. The authors who have wrote general defcriptions of England, next follow. The laft mentioned by this writer is Fuller's Worthies of England; and we are somewhat furprised to find in the course of this work, fo little mention made of that learned, but entertaining, writer. Something valuable is difcoverable even in his conundrums and goffipping-ftories. We must applaud our author's induftry in the catalogue he has furnished out of later general defcriptions of England, though we deem many of them to be scarcely worth mentioning, and as no better than catchpennies of book fellers. Charts and maps of England next fall under his more particular cognizance than they did in the preface. His account of English views ought to be read by all who are fond of making fuch collections, if they wish to be guarded from impofitions. An account of the ecclefiaftical topography and natural hiftory follows; and then he proceeds to his topographical antiquities of every county in alphabetical order. mi bus gavin) lesiog

Berkshire, accordingly, takes the lead; and our author, not contented with the topographical defcription of Windfor," and its magnificence, mentions Mr. Pope's Windfor Foreft, Sir John Denham's Cooper's Hill, and other poetical compofitions, with their tranflations, all which might more properly claim a place in the topography of Parnaffus.

The account of Cambridgeshire is very fatisfactory as to that learned university; but we are here entertained not only with the poetry but the mufic of the place; neither can we fee the propriety of introducing into a topographical defcription the difpute between the bishop of Ely and Dr. Bentley.

Cornwall owes great obligations to its topographers and natural hiftorians; and, in fhort, every county prefents us with some particulars which are curious and uncommon.

We have in Hertfordshire a deduction of the cafe of witchcraft in the perfon of Jane Wenham, who was tried at the affizes at Hertford before Mr. Juftice Powell, where he was found guilty of felony and witch-craft, and received fentence of death for the fame, fo late as the year 1712.

Kent is a fertile field of topographical curiofities, and appears by our author to have been cultivated to the utmost.

Lancashire, where fo many topographical improvements by inland navigations are now carrying on, gives us fresh, and still more horrid difcoveries of witchcraft.

Our author has divided Middlefex into three partitions, containing accounts of the county, Westminster, and London. The reader may perhaps be pleased with the following anecdotes of the latter.

• The earliest account of this city was wrote in Latin by William Fitz-Stephens, native thereof and monk of Canterbury, who died 1191, intitled "Descriptio nobiliffimæ civitatis Lon doniæ;" a translation of it was inferted in the folio editions of Stowe's furvey, and the original in the 4to. ones: but since republished, with obfervations and notes, at the end of Leland's Itinerary, vol. viii. from a more correct MS. on vellum given by Dr. Marshall to Hearne, and the only one he ever faw. Robert Bale, recorder of London 1461, compiled a large account of its history and antiquities; but of his pieces, which were long preferved in the city library or archives, only the titles have come down to us. Alderman Fabian's Annals of London have fhared the fame fate, unless we suppose with bp. Nicholson that they are incorporated into his printed Chronicle. Bagford perfuades himself Leland wrote a particular account of London, now lott, though it does not appear in the lift of his works: he thinks Stow was greatly beholden to it without acknowledgment. That honeft industrious taylor, who "feeing the confufed order of our late English chronicles, and the ignorant handling of ancient affaires, leaving his owne peculiar ganes, confecrated himself to the fearche of our famous antiquities," was the first that attempted a regular and particular description of this city. He begun his ftudies with his Annals about 1560, for which he travelled over the kingdom a foot, perufing and purchafing innumerable papers juft before difperfed out of the monaftic libraries, and fold for pennyworths. When he had almost ruined himself he found an especial benefactor in abp. Parker. But pecuniary difficulties were not all he had to ftruggle with his antiquarian collections and his younger brother's villainy brought his life into danger on a pretence of religion. His fummary of the chronicles of England was firft published 1565, frequently reprinted, abridged, and continued to 1618. His larger chronicle or annals, of which he printed only an abstract, leaving the intire work fitted for the prefs, paffed into Sir Sia mond D'Ewe's hands, but feems to have been fince loft. Ha curious and valuable account of this city, which coft him many years of clofe application, of which he spent eight in fearching

out ancient records relative to the fubject, was firft printed un der the title of " A furvay of London, contayning the originall, antiquity, increase, moderne eftate, and defcription of that citie; written in the year 1598, by John Stowe, citizen of London: also an apologie (or defence) againft the opinion of fome men, concerning that citie, the greatneffe thereof; with an appendix, containing in Latine, Libellum de fitu & nobilitate Londini, written by William Fitz Stephen in the raigne of Henry the Second. Lond. 1598." 4to. A fecond edition came out in the author's life-time 1603. 4to in which he intended large improvements, but was prevented by his own ill was! health and the death of his able friend John Dalton, Efq; from inferting any, except a few additions about the civil government of the city out of his own learned ftorehouse. Stow furvived this edition but two years. The city and nation he had immortalized neglected him. James I. indeed granted him a brief or licence, authorizing him or his deputy to receive at the church doors the benevolence of well-difpofed people, in recompence of his painful labours, and for encouragement to the like: but he died of poverty, the gout, and ftone, in his 80th year, 1605, and was buried at his parish church of St. Andrew Underfhaft, where his widow erected a monument.'

To be continued and concluded in our next. ]

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V. Letters concerning the prefent State of the French Nation, Con taining a comprehenfive View of the Political State, Agriculture, Trade and Commerce, Revenues, Military Power, Government, Ranks of the People, Manners, Laws, fine Arts and Artifts, Theatre, Literature and Writers: with a complete Comparison between France and Great Britain, in refpect of Extent, Fertility, Situation, Populoufness, Capitals, Government, Laws, Agriculture, Manufactures, Commerce, General Wealth, Public Credit, Revenues, Army, Navy, Calonies, General Profperity and Poquer, Architecture, Painting, Sculpture, Engraving, Mufic, Literature, Academies, Societies, c. J. &c. 8vo. Pr. 65. Nicoll.

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HE unhappy altercations between Great Britain and fome of her colonies; the amazing preffure of her public debts, the late disturbances which have happened in, or near the capi tal of England, and a variety of lefs important incidents, na-> turally encourage the enemies of Great Britain to publications tending, like the prefent, to magnify the power of France, both internal and external, to the most formidable appearance, and to diminish that of Great Britain almost to infignificancy. Men of fenfe in both kingdoms know the falfehood and futility Vol. XXVI. Dec. 1768. F f

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of fuch representations; but there is in England an intermediate order of mankind, known to no other nation that exists, or ever did exift, upon whom impofitions of this kind make great impreffion; we mean thofe whofe fole knowledge in bufinefs is confined to the rife and fall of public credit. This fpecies of men are extremely jealous of every thing which can affect our funds; and their extreme caution has more than once, within these few years, been attended with disagreeable confequences, that have but too well ferved the purposes of all our rivals in trade and power. -But to proceed in our review.

The work before us is very unequally compofed, and appears to be fupplied from different fources; fome deep, fome shallow, fome clear, and fome muddy. Our author, or rather compiler, begins his detail from the commencement of Lewis XIV's. reign. He thinks that Colbert's extravagant encouragement of manufactures frequently introduced famine into France. This paradox would be unintelligible to an honest English farmer or manufacturer, who have no ideas of their having feparate interefts. The profperity of the manufacturers undoubtedly enable them to pay the better price to the farmers. It might have, perhaps, been otherwife under the defpotie reign of Lewis XIV. but we fcarcely think it could tend to the intereft of any government, be it ever fo arbitrary, to load agriculture with taxes, as this writer fays Colbert did, in order to promote manufactures.

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Our author, through the whole of his work, endeavours to convey to the reader an idea, that if France, under the reigns of Lewis XIV. and XV. did not attain to univerfal monarchy, the failed not through any defect of internal power or riches, but the mistaken measures of her minifters. This is an infinuation of which the French are exceffively fond, because it flatters their national vanity by implying, that as foon as they have an able and an upright ministry, they may be the masters of Europe. But that we may not seem to caricature even gafconades, let us take this gentleman's own words. Speaking of France under the administrations of Colbert and Louvois, • It muft (fays he) be confeffed that there was at the bottom of all the show and I may even fay reality of power, an "in-` ftability which to a penetrating eye must have denounced no certainty of fuccefs, and this merely from M. Colbert's extravagant encouragement of manufactures of all kinds, at the expence of agriculture: this circumftance was of infinite impor-tance and attended with such remarkable confequences, that I am amazed it was not in that age remarked as exceeding bad politics. It would take up too much room to particularize every hardship thrown on the husbandman to enable the manu Buy at not bling 96, UML-1912mofacture Id-pdf 901 ili agony i

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Letters concerning the prefent State of the French Nation. 435 facturer to work cheap: exceffively fevere taxes were laid on him, and him alone, in fome cafes; and all exportation of his products forbid under very fevere penalties, that the price of provifions might be kept low at home. As great As great a politician as M. Colbert was, his measures were attended with an effect the very contrary of what he expected, for the prices of every thing became extremely fluctuating, which is very pernicious and famine itself vifited the kingdom frequently This was fome balance to that power which became fo formidable to Europe. ↑

The daring spirit of infolent prefumption, likewife, which infefted the all-powerful Louvois, and the ambitious temper of Lewis XIV. fo open to all the fuggeftions of his minifter, hurried him into measures as ruinous to his own power, as pernicious to the then welfare of Europe. I fay the welfare of that time; for as to the prefent and fucceeding ages, the headstrong and impolitic conduct of France, became the furest and most certain means of clipping those foaring pinions, whose every flutter denounced perfidious attacks on all her neighbours.

It is inconceivable what might have been the confequences of a prudent forefight, a political quietnefs, and a watchful eye to his true, interefts in Lewis XIV. after the peace of Nimeguen: from that period to the duke of Anjou's being declared king of Spain were two and twenty years. Let us fuppofe he had employed this precious time in improving his kingdom, even on his former plan-in encreafing her trade, planting colonies encouraging manufactures-difciplining his nu merous troops, laying the foundation of resources in the time of a future war-bringing his finances into perfect order-fortifying his kingdom and laftly, ufing unbounded means to encrease and ftrengthen his navy. Had he employed these twentytwo years in fuch bufinefs-had he even been profuse in expenfive pleasures and buildings at home, as fuch money would only have circulated amongst his own fubjects, his taste in those affairs need not have been an obstruction to his great defigns. One may reasonably apprehend that the effect of fuch a conduct would be no other than taking poffeffion in his own name of the whole Spanish monarchy.

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Ready at a moment's warning for the looked-for event, he would have executed his purpofe in its full extent, before a fingle potentate in Europe would have been in a condition by any means to have opposed his will. French industry working on Spanish materials, would prefently have endangered the li berties of Europe. If France, notwithstanding the most abfurd and ridiculous conduct after the treaty of Nimeguen-in spite of every untoward circumftance, could for fo many years oppose half Europe in alliance against her-bring fuch vaft armies into

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