233 MARCH, 1826.] OF DEBATES IN CONGRESS. On the Panama Mission—(in conclave.) prevail, will not bind us to enter on any new engagements, until the mode of accomplishing the object shall be known and approved here. [SENATE. invite the States of this continent to take that system as a I do not perceive or feel any connexion between this subject and domestic slavery, as it exists here. I perceive no danger to that interest here from any quarter. Nothing that impairs my confidence in its stability or value. No one asserts the right to touch it-no one wishes to disturb it; Congress have no power, nor do they claim the There is no power any where, but" right to act on it. force, that could interpose. The great body of the People accord in sentiment, that, however they may deprecate the evil, there is no remedy; that the rights of property As to fools and fanatics, I do not regard must be sacred. them. My faith and confidence in the solidity of that interest is unshaken; I know very well the danger is imaginary and very distant, and that we may safely rely upon ourselves to defend our rights, whenever they may be invaded. I want no other guarantee. The condition of Hayti is another subject, not alluded to by the President, and only intended to be alluded to by Mr. Salazar. 66 per Names are important things-and a bad name is a dangerous thing. The associations in the mind are so strong, We with difficulty resist the impression, while that they influence the judgment, even when the delusion we are conscious of the fallacy; and those who cannot deWe want no counsel here, is seen, tect the error will be misled. to increase the odium, or excite reprobation. Nor of the with regard to the end and means of the Holy Alliance, danger of any combination, to pledge themselves to maintain any order of things, whilst the People have the right to change. But, if a Holy Alliance should ever become necessary on this side of the water, I confess my object It has been said, in this debate, that this league is to would be to perpetuate the present political institutions. have infinite duration: this council is to be permanent: and this mission perpetual. The league will last as long as the cause of its creation exists. The war has now ceased-Spain is unable to renew it. Europe is neutral, and desires peace. The project against Cuba will, I mies will be disbanded, and this council dissolved. Pertrust, be abandoned. Hostilities will die away. The arI trust I have shown, that, if this mission is not due to haps in one year all things will be settted. This mission courtesy, it is due to a just estimate of our essential inter-is special in its object, and temporary. It will be termiests. It is due to friendship, to peace, to commerce, tonated in less time. our principles; it can do no injury-it may do good-it will do good. With regard to the relations with that country, no change is desired-none will take place here. It may be proper to express to the South American States, the unalterable opinion entertained here in regard to intercourse with them. It will have its due weight and influence in their councils, and I hope, it will be effectual. The unadvised recognition of that island, and the public reception of their Ministers, will nearly sever our Diplomatic intercourse, and bring about a separation and alienation, injurious to both. I deem it of the highest concern to the political connexion of these countries, to remonstrate against a measure so justly offensive to us, and to make that remonstrance effectual. The objection that we cannot send Ministers under the laws of nations, because there is no sovereignty to receive them, no laws to protect them, &c. I consider altogether Is Panama techninal; it is a sacrifice of substance to words and forms; it is a subtlety-a mere refinement on terms. not in Colombia? Are we not invited by their Minister? Instead of there not being one Sovereign, there will be the Representatives of half a dozen of Sovereignties; and how will that differ from the diplomatic meeting at Utrecht in the last century, and at Ghent in the present? I must pass over many topics of this debate; the subject is too ample for a speech; I should fatigue myself, I have touched lightly on the inand weary the Senate. teresting and various points it involves. My remarks have been altogether unworthy the occasion, and the attention devolved on another. they have received. I had expected this duty would have From the best view I have been able to take, I approve this mission. I hope it will accomplish the beneficent objects we contemplate; and that, in a short period, there and a permanent peace, throughout Europe and America. will be restored a solid friendship, a liberal intercourse, The Mr. VAN BUREN, of New York, said, it was with great When this invitation was first given to the President, he naturally supposed it was intended to make us a party, reluctance that he rose to address the Senate. and a member of some Congress, the object of which he cause of that reluctance, (said Mr. V. B.) shall be stated did not know. We had not seen the conventions; the in- with frankness, but without asperity. I entertain no feelvitation was verbal and general, without explanation of its ings but those of perfect liberality towards gentlemen with That they are object. The President very judiciously inquired what whom it is my misfortune to differ. Claiming for myself And he made With their motives I do not interfere. were the subjects to be discussed-how the body was to an entire freedom of opinion, I yield it cheerfully to them. be organized-how they were to act? &c. shall exercise freely, his acceptance depend upon this information. But, when pure no one will question. But, against the course purhe received the written invitation, in which it appeared sued by the advocates of the mission, I do object. It is that we were not considered as a part of their system; my right to do so; a right which The subject before us presents a question entirely new. that we were to take no share in the deliberations of bel-but respectfully. ligerent questions; that we were merely to consult upon other measures of general interest, and discuss such pro-It is one, too, of intense interest, involving considerations positions in regard thereto, as we might propose; that it was merely a ministerial diplomatic intercourse; he gave his assent freely to the meeting. This defensive alliance has been magnified into a great Confederacy. The meeting of the Ministers is dignified into a Congress. It required but little imagination to create out of it a Holy Alliance; and we are admonished, in the report of the Committee, that "no effect yet produced by the continental system of Europe, is of a character to which, when once fully understood, cannot fail to excite us with proportionate anxiety. It has grieved me to hear the deep solicitude of our constituents, and ought to fill it announced, on different occasions, and in various forms, that gentlemen had so definitively made up their minds as to render discussion unavailing. I venture to affirm, that a similar course has never been pursued in a deliberative assembly. Cases have occurred, where the sinister designs of a factious minority have been defeated by a refa SENATE.] On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.) Nothing can contribute more to a just decision of the question before us, than a correct understanding of what that question is. I will endeavor to state it. A Congress of Deputies from several of the Spanish American States is to be held at the Isthmus of Panama. The objects, powers, and duties, of the Congress, are set forth in certain treaties, formed by those of whom the Congress will be composed. [MARCH, 1826. sal to reply to speeches made after a subject had been tation given to our Government, and its conditional acfully discussed, and with the sole view of embarrassing ceptance. I cannot give my advice and consent to this the operations of Government; but to commence the con- measure; and in assigning the reasons for my dissent, I sideration of a great national measure with the declara- hope to be excused for omitting to notice some of the totion, on the part of its advocates, that it ought to be set-pics so largely dwelt on in former debates, on the subject tled by a silent vote, is an occurrence, in the annals of le- of Spanish American affairs; such as the geographical degislation, which, as it now stands without precedent, will scription and great extent of these States, the character remain, I trust, for ever, without imitation. of their inhabitants, moral, physical, and intellectual, the It is not for me to advise those with whom I differ in injustice of their first enslavement, the odious tyranny opinion: nor am I disposed to arrogate a privilege to which practised upon them for a succession of ages, and the cruelI have no claim. I will, however, with permission, and ties inflicted by their unnatural mother during the war of in all kindness, intreat gentlemen to re-consider the pro-independence. Subjects which, although they may at priety of a course which cannot, I am persuaded, receive times have produced some of the finest effusions of gethe sanction of their deliberate judgments. Let each de-nuine patriotism, have also not unfrequently been the termine for himself whether it will read well in the history theme of wild and enthusiastic, not to say frothy and unof this measure, that its progress through this House has profitable declamation. We have had enough of such essays. been marked by a circumstance of so extraordinary a cha- I will not say that they have become stale, because I racter. Entertaining an entire confidence in the motives would not so speak of any honest efforts in the cause of of gentlemen, I will still encourage the hope, that they public liberty. For the present, at least, they would be will diffuse the light which has brought conviction to misdirected. The condition of things is changed. Affairs their minds; and, as far as practicable, divest themselves have advanced. The colonies, whose distressed condition of all predetermination. This hope alone induces me to has occasioned these strong appeals to our sympathies, trespass, for a moment, on the time of the Senate. are now of right, and in fact, free and sovereign States. Their independence has been deliberately recognized by us and other Powers, in the face of the world; and, though not yet acknowledged by Spain, (or likely soon to be,) is held by as good a tenure, and stands, I hope, upon as firm a basis, as our own. They have severed the tie which bound them to the mother country; and, unlike ourselves, have achieved their liberation by their own unaided efforts. As they have thus won an honorable station among The United States were not parties to these treaties; independent States, it becomes our imperative duty to but, subsequently to their formation, it was thought ad- treat with them as such. In our intercourse with them, visable by some of the States, to invite us to join them. as with all, it should be our first and highest concern to Foreseeing the difficulties which might prevent an accept- guard, with anxious solicitude, the peace and happiness ance of their invitation, and unwilling to impose the ne- of our own country; and, in the fulfilment of this duty, cessity of a refusal, these States, with a commendable de- to reject every measure, however dazzling, which can licacy, made an informal application to our Government, have a tendency to put these great interests at hazard. to know if it would be agreeable to it, that such an invi- Whether the measure now proposed will endanger those tation should be given. On receiving this intimation, the interests, or whether there is not reasonable ground to apPresident had before him the choice of one of several prehend it, is the question. To this will my observations courses. If he believed that the attendance of an autho-be directed, alike regardless of all extraneous excitement, rized Agent of the United States at Panama, with suitable instructions, would be beneficial, it was competent for him to have sent a private Agent, at the public expense, with proper credentials. If he had thought it more advisable, because more respectful, he might have directed our Ministers at Colombia and Mexico, or either of them, to repair to the proposed seat of the Congress, instructed to express the interest we take in the success and prosperity of the States there assembled; to explain to them the principles of our policy, and the reasons which dissuaded our Government from uniting in the Congress; and to communicate whatever else, in the opinion of the Executive, the interests of the United States required. Or he might have expressed his desire, that the invitation to the United States to be represented in the proposed Congress, should be given; and as far as his constitutional power extended, determined to accept it. He has chosen the latter; and if the Senate approve, and Congress make the necessary appropriation, his decision will of course supersede any other steps which might have been taken. But if the Senate do not approve, or Congress refuse the appropriation, either of the other measures may still be adopted. Their execution is within the constitutional competency of the Executive, and the contingent fund will supply the means. It will be seen, therefore, that the question is not whether measures shall be taken to avail ourselves of all attainable advantages from the Assembly of the Spanish American States, but whether they shall be of the character, and in the form proposed. That form is, to send a representation on the part of the United States, to the Congress of Panama, according to the invi and indifferent to the unmerited suspicion of being lukewarm in the cause of South American liberty. The first points which naturally present themselves for our consideration, are the character of the Congress, and the limitations under which it is proposed that the United States should become a party. In the former are embraced the objects of the Assembly, present and future; the powers of the Deputies; its duration, whether temporary or permanent, and its manner of acting, whether legislative or diplomatic. In the latter are embraced the portion of the concerns of the Congress, in which the United States are invited to participate, and the manner of that participation. Upon some, if not all these points, it must be admitted, we are without satisfactory information. But the fault, if fault there be, in this particular, does not lie at our door. There was a time when the Executive required, as a condition precedent to the acceptance of the invitation, an adjustment of several preliminary points, such as "the subject to which the attention of Congress was to be directed;" the nature and form of the powers to be given to the diplomatic Agents who were "to compose it; and the mode of its organization and action." But that condition was afterwards, and I cannot but think improvidently, dispensed with. When this subject was first laid before us, we were furnished with no evidence, upon some of the points referred to, except the little that could be gleaned from the letters of invitation: It was not until the 10th of January, in compliance with the call of the Senate, of the 4th, that the treaties, in virtue of which the Congress is to be held, were sent to us. Sir, the inroads which the insinuating, not to say insidious, influence MARCH, 1826. On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.) 66 [SENATE. of Executive authority has made upon the rights and pri- The treaties between the Republics of Colombia and vileges of this body, from which so much was expected those of Peru, Chili, Mexico, and Guatemala, formed in by the framers of the Constitution, are great indeed. This the years 1822, 1823, and 1825, so far as they relate to remark is not made with particular reference to the pre- the institution and character of the Congress, are alike. sent Executive. The history of our Government, for By these treaties, a permanent league and confederation, many years, presents an unbroken series of similar en-in peace and war, is established among the parties: concroachments. The relation in which the President stands taining guarantees of the territories of the respective States, to the Senate, when acting under the treaty-making power, and stipulating for contributions in ships, men, and money, is essentially different from the other relations prescribed for the common defence. In a word, they provide for the by the Constitution. He has Executive duties to dis-union and application of their joint means, for the purcharge, in which the Legislature have no participation; pose of promoting the general good of the Confederate duties which ordinarily commence, when theirs have ter-States, reserving to each its sovereignty in whatever relates minated. Information, in his possession, relating to that to its internal concerns, and certain portions of its foreign branch of his public duties, it is his right to communicate relations. The second, third, and fourth articles of the treaor withhold from Congress, as, in his opinion, may best ty between Colombia and Chili, are in the following words: subserve the public interest. By the Constitution, also, "ART. 1. The Republic of Colombia and the State of the exclusive right of nomination to office is given to him," Chili are united, bound, and confederated, in peace and and the Senate are called on, only, to approve or disap-" war, to maintain with their influences and forces, by prove. There, too, he acts distinct from us, and pos- sea and land, as far as circumstances permit, their indesesses a discretion, though perhaps more limited, with "pendence of the Spanish nation, and of any other foregard to the communication of information. But on the "reign domination whatever; and to secure, after that is subject of treaties, the case is evidently different. They" recognized, their mutual prosperity, the greatest harare to be made "by and with the advice and consent of "mony and good understanding, as well between their the Senate." Upon that subject, every step, preliminary "people, subjects, and citizens, as with other Powers as well as final, ought, in the spirit of the Constitution, to" with which they may enter into relations. be submitted to the Senate. The practice of conceding "ART. 2. The Republic of Colombia, and the State of to the Executive the preliminary steps in a negotiation," Chili, therefore, voluntarily promise and contract a first adopted from convenience, and since acquiesced in league of close alliance and constant friendship, for the from habit, is now considered by some as an unquestioned" common defence, for the security of their independence right. But in the early administration of the Government" and liberty, for the reciprocal and general good, obliging it was different. General Washington, pursuing the spi-" themselves to succor each other, and repel, in common, rit of the Constitution, before commencing any new ne- every attack or invasion which may, in any manner, gotiation, laid before the Senate the views of the Execu- "threaten their political existence. tive, the instructions proposed to be given to Ministers, and all the information in his possession, and then asked the benefit of their counsel. He appears to have thought" that information necessary to both should be viewed in all respects as the common property of both. But now, instead of those full and explicit communications, a por- "ART. 4. The State of Chili shall also contribute with tion only of the requisite information is sparingly doled" the disposable sea and land forces, of which the number, out-just enough to satisfy the successive calls of the Senate; calls always made with reluctance, because considered by some as implying an unwillingness to communicate what may be desired. It will be recollected, that it was not until the 2d of February that the Senate obtained the information upon which it consented to act. It is not my intention to impute to the Executive a disposition to suppress any thing connected with this subject. I have no reason to believe that these views exist. It is to the practice itself, which he found on entering into office, that I have deemed this a proper opportunity to object, not without a hope that a remedy may be applied. It is known to every member of the Senate that, from this cause on the subject before us, its deliberations have been embarrassed, and its action impeded. "ART. 3. In order to contribute to the objects pointed "out in the foregoing articles, the Republic of Colombia binds itself to assist, with the disposable sea and land "forces, of which the number, or its equivalent, shall be | “ fixed at a meeting of Plenipotentiaries. "or its equivalent, shall likewise be fixed at said meeting." The other treaties contain stipulations of similar import. For the Confederation thus formed, a National Council is provided, composed of two Deputies from each of the Confederate States: they are to meet at Panama; but if ever, from the accidents of war, or for any other reason, that should be deemed an improper place, a majority of the States may remove it to some other spot in Spanish America. Its objects and powers are thus stated in all the treaties: "A General Congress shall be assem"bled, composed of Plenipotentiaries from the American "States, for the purpose of establishing on a more solid "basis, the intimate relations which should exist between "them all, individually and collectively: and that it may "serve as a Council in great events, as a point of union in "common danger, as a faithful interpreter of public trea"ties, in cases of misunderstanding, and as an arbitrator "and conciliator of disputes and differences." Now, for the purpose of simplifying the question, per Hoping to be excused from a digression not wholly irrelevant, I shall proceed to the discussion of the subject. What is the character of the Congress of Panama, first, as it respects the Spanish American States, by whom it is constituted, and secondly, the footing on which our Re-mit me to ask, can the two specific objects and duties of presentatives are to stand? Is it to be, as asserted by the gentleman from Rhode Island, a mere Diplomatic Council, held for convenience in negotiation, with power to make and receive proposals, but without authority to bind the represented States? or is it to be an efficient public body, the permanent organ of a confederation of free States, formed for great national purposes? In short, is it to be an advising or an acting body? the Congress, viz: the interpretation of treaties, and the umpirage of all disputes and differences between the confederate States, be effected upon the limited construction now, for the first time, given to its powers; a construction resorted to, and enforced with much ingenuity, by the gentleman from Rhode Island, when the dangerous steps we are about to take are fully presented to his view? Upon further reflection, that gentleman cannot fail to de • The President, in his late Message to the House of Representatives, adopts a similar construction of the treaty. His opinion is founded on the matter here discussed, and upon nothing else. The question remains: Is that construction the true one? Does it comport with the views and intentions of the Spanish American States, who have Instituted the Congress? It is respectfully contended that it does not.-Note by Mr. 1'. B. SENATE.] On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.) [MARCH, 1826. We have been invited to unite in a Congress thus constituted. The Executive asks ou consent to his acceptance of that invitation. What are the limits contained in the invitation, and the restriction prescribed in the proposed acceptance? They consist in this, and in this only: that the United States shall not be called upon to do any act, during the continuance of the present war between Spain and the other States, which will conflict with our neutral obligations. If there be any other restriction or limitation, I call upon gentlemen to point it out. I affirm that there is none. I do not ask gentlemen for the suggestions or opinions of those either within or without doors. I appeal to the documents by which we are to tect the fallacy of the reasoning, by which he has been "mities, and, on that account, might serve as a provisional induced to adopt a construction against the express letter "place for the first Assembly of the Confederates:" it of the treaties. He asks, Where are the powers by which is added, that, "in the first conference between the Plethe Congress is to enforce its decisions? none are given;"nipotentiaries, the residence of the Assembly, and its hence he infers, that they are only authorized to advise," powers, may be settled in a solemn manner, by the ma but not to direct. Permit me to ask the worthy gentleman "jority, after which every thing will be arranged to our to define the character of our Congress under the Arti- "satisfaction." cles of Confederation. Was that a mere diplomatic council—an advising power-a convention of diplomatists met to negotiate, but not to decide? It was a legislative body, acting to the extent of the powers conferred. If the gentleman will compare the treaties by which the Congress of Panama is established with our Articles of Confederation, he will perceive a striking similarity between them. Our "Congress was declared to be the last resort or ap"peal for all disputes or differences now subsisting, or "that may, hereafter, arise, between two or more States, "concerning boundary, jurisdiction, or any other cause "whatever." Was any direct power conferred to enforce its decisions? Not at all. That Congress was left, as the Congress of Spanish American States is left, to the obli-judge now, and by which we shall he judged hereafter. gations resting on each of the confederate States, to If no other is pointed out, I shall assume that none exists. abide by the decisions of a tribunal of their own creation, We are then invited to become a member of the proposed and to the known consequences of contumacy. Our Con- Congress, and of this Confederacy of American States. If gress, it is true, had the express power to decide on the views of the Executive are not such as the documents peace or war. But was it clothed with the means of sus- import, why, in the communications made to us, are we taining their decision? Was it not wholly dependent on not specially advised upon this point? But we are not the voluntary contributions of the States? The gentleman without evidence of the most explicit character. We have also refers to the stipulation contained in the treaties, se- called upon the Executive for information. Among other "curing "the exercise of the national sovereignty of each things sent us, are extracts from the correspondence be"of the contracting parties, as well as to what regards tween Mr. Clay and Mr. Poinsett, our Minister at Mexico. "their laws, and to the establishment and form of their When the declarations of one of our Ministers, bearing "respective Governments," &c. &c. By adverting to the distinctly upon a question before the Senate, made directArticles of our Confederation, he will again find a stipula-ly and officially to a foreign Government, is sent to us by tion "that each State should retain its sovereignty, free- the Executive, without explanation or disavowal, I know "dom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, not how we are to avoid the conclusion, that the Minister "and right," which was not expressly delegated to the has spoken a language authorized by his Government. United States. But, if he be correct in supposing that More especially must that be the case when the declarathis Congress will be a mere diplomatic meeting, for the tion of the Minister, instead of being disavowed by his purpose of negotiating treaties in the usual form, and Government, is substantially in accordance with the dewithout power to bind any State, except by its own con-clarations of its official organ, the Secretary of State. If sent, whence the necessity of this reservation? Does he this assumption be correct, much light, as to the views not perceive that the very fact of inserting the exception, of our Government, may be derived from the corresponon which he so confidently relics, overthrows the argu-dence before referred to, between Mr. Poinsett and Mr. ment he attempts to sustain by it? It can require no argu- Clay. In the letter of the former to the latter, of the 28th ment or elucidation to establish the permanent character September, 1825, we find the following sentiments: "I of the Congress; it has no limitation as to time in the "first objected to the exception in favor of the Ametreaties. It is to be the Congress of the Confederation,"rican Nations, formerly Spanish possessions, on the and of course to last as long as the Confederation endures. "ground that no distinctions ought to be made between Such is the necessary result; and that such is the design "any of the members of the Great American Family. of its founders, appears from the provision authorizing the "That Great Britain having consented to such a provision, removal of the seat of Government, by the vote of a ma- "ought not to influence the American States, because jority, if ever the casualties of war, or any other cause, "the Republics of America were united by one and the may render it advisable to do so. There is no express 66 same interest, and that it was the interest of the Eurostipulation as to the manner of acting by the Congress." pean Powers to cause such distinctions to be made, as Our Government required information upon this point," would divide it into small confederacies, and, if possible, and afterwards, as I have already stated, consented to act "to prevent us from uniting, so as to present one front without it. But that its decisions are to be governed by "against the attempts of Europe, upon our Republican a majority, results from the propriety of that course, from "Institutions." And afterwards still more explicitly, as the equality of representation, from the provision that follows: "I then recapitulated the course of policy pursuch shall be the case, in relation to the place of meeting," sued towards the Spanish colonies, by our Government, and the absence of any other provision in regard to the "which had so largely contributed to secure their indeother concerns of the Congress. This view of the subject "pendence, and declared what further we were willing is confirmed by the letter from the Government Council "to do to defend their rights and liberties; but that this of Peru, to the Government of Buenos Ayres, of the 2d" could only be expected from us, and could only be acof May last, urging a union in the arrangements of the "complished, by a strict union of all the American RepubCongress, in which, after stating that, if the world had to "lics, on terms of perfect equality and reciprocity; and elect a Capital, "the Isthmus of Panama would be pointed "repeated that it was the obvious policy of Europe to "out for that august destiny, placed as it is in the centre" divide us into small confederacies, with separate and "of the globe, looking on the one side to Asia, and on "distinct interests; and as manifestly ours to form a single "the other to Africa and Europe: that the Isthmus had great Confederacy, which might oppose one united front to "been offered for that purpose by the Republic of Co-"the attacks of our enemies.” "lombia; that it was at an equal distance from both extre- So far from disapproving the sentiments thus avowed 241 MARCH, 1826.] OF DEBATES IN CONGRESS. On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.) [SENATE. by Mr. Poinsett, in his letter of the 28th September, Mr. plated, there would be perfect unanimity in the Senate in Clay, in his despatch to Mr. Poinsett, of the 9th of Novem-checking, in its birth, a design so adverse to the interests ber, holds the following language: "Again the United Mex- of this country. A state of things so unexpected, neces"ican Government has invited that of the United States sarily changes the course of discussion from an attempt to "to be represented at the Congress of Panama, and the prove the impolicy of the contemplated measure, to the "President has determined to accept the invitation. Such establishment of the position that such, in reality, are the "an invitation has been given to no European Government, views of the Executive. From the year 1818 to 1823, a "and ought not to have been given to this, if it is not to be sort of rivalship existed in this country, between the Pre"considered as one of the American Nations." It is, there-sident, (Mr. MONROE) and a quasi opposition to his adfore, fair to conclude, that the language of Mr. Poinsett ministration, on the subject of Spanish American affairs. to the Mexican Government was authorized by his own; On the one hand, the boldest steps were taken to impel and if this be conceded, the views of the Executive must the administration to the recognition of the independence be such as I have contended. With these views, ought of Spanish America, accompanied by unreserved censures we to join a Congress thus constituted? I contend we on the imputed reluctance and timidity of the Governought not if we could, and that the power to do so is not ment. This spirit was combated, on the part of the adconferred by the Constitution. I will not detain the Se- ministration, by ascribing their conduct to a prudent and nate by the discussion of either of those points. The first circumspect policy, designed to effect the greatest good is too plain to require elucidation-and in noticing the with the least possible hazard. Time will not permit the second, (the constitutional objection,) I only repeat an enumeration of the various acts of the contending parties objection, first made on this floor by my friend from Vir- on the political arena in reference to this matter: suffice ginia, (Mr. RANDOLPH.) The distinct and impressive view it to say, that, in 1823, Mr. MONROE determined to crown he has taken of it, and the knowledge that the point has the measures of the Government upon this subject, by been fully considered, and will be thoroughly discussed, adopting a course in relation to it, which, while it rencould not fail to secure to his administration the reputaby at least two other gentlemen, (Messrs. BENTON and dered efficient service to the Spanish American cause, BERRIEN,) induces me to desist from doing so myself. Such in my judgment, is a correct view of the first tion of being its greatest patron. In pursuance of this great question arising on the subject of the Panama mis- policy he, in his Message of December, 1823, among "and to the amicable relations subsisting between the sion. I will now ask the attention of the Senate to the next other things, said-" We owe it, therefore, to candor, and branch of the subject, viz: THE BUSINESS TO BE TRANSACTED at the Congress, and particularly that portion of it in" United States and those Powers [the Powers of Europe] part to extend their system to any portion of this hewhich we have been invited to participate. Unless I "to declare that we should consider any attempt on their greatly deceive myself, the difficulties will be found to multiply as we proceed in the discussion of the matters"misphere, as dangerous to our peace and safety. With proposed to be acted upon, so far as the United States" the existing Colonies or dependencies of any European are concerned. There are those which, in the view of the" Powers, we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. “pendence, and maintained it, and whose independence Spanish American States, as well as of our own Govern- " But with the Governments who have declared their Indement, are of primary importance; and others of a secon"acknowledged, we could not view any interposition, for dary character, which, although they would not have fur-"we have on great consideration and on just principles nished adequate inducement for the invitation or acceptance, are still deemed worthy of consideration if our Min- " the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling, in any isters attend. Of the former, stipulations on our part to "manner, their destiny, by any European Power, in any disposition towards the United States, in the war bemake common cause with the Spanish American States, in" other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly "tween those New Governments and Spain. We dethe event of any European Power assisting Spain to re-establish her dominion in Spanish America, and resistance to "and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adEuropean Colonization on this continent, stand in the "clared our neutrality at the time of their recognition; front ground. But for these, the United States would "judgment of the competent authorities of the Governnever have been invited to send a Representative to the "here, provided no change shall occur which, in the Congress of Panama. But for these, the presence of our Never, in the" of the United States, indispensable to their security." Deputies would cause embarrassment, instead of afford-"ment, shall make a corresponding change on the part ing facilities to the confederate States. course of the little experience which it has been my good And further, in the discussion with Russia relative to the or ill fortune to have had in public affairs, have I been Northwestern coast of this continent, the occasion was "rights and interests of the United States were involved, more thoroughly disappointed, as to the probable course of embraced, "for asserting, as a principle, in which the "that the American continents, by the free and independdiscussion upon any point than I have been upon this. "ent position which they had assumed and maintained, That our Ministers, or Commissioners, or Deputies, or whatever else they may be called, shall be fully empow ed to enter into an agreement (in whatever forin gentle-" were thenceforward not to be considered as subjects for The character and effect which has been given, or atmen may please)-first, that the United States, upon the" future colonization by any European Power."/ happening of the casus fœderis, the interference of any of the Powers of Europe, in the struggle between Spain tempted to be given, to these declarations, is full of inand her revolted Colonies, shall make common cause with struction as to the probable consequences of similar acts the latter in repelling such interference; and, secondly, at this day. To say here that they did not pledge the Unitthat we shall resist, either jointly or separately, all at-ed States to any course, would be superfluous. There tempts on the part of any European Power to establish are few who require to be informed that no declaration of new colonies in this hemisphere, are matters so precisely the Executive could have that effect. But he had no enumerated, and so clearly concurred in by all parties, such intention. He asserted (if you please) correct printhat I did not imagine either that the views of our Gov-ciples, but left us at liberty to act, or not, in enforcing ernment, or those of the Spanish American States, in re- them, as our interest or our policy might at the mo But how strangely have gard to them, could be misunderstood by any honorable ment require: a question to be decided Lke all similar gentleman. Judge then of my surprise, to hear it deni- questions, by determining whether, under all circumstaned from all quarters that such views are entertained by ces, it will best promote the honor and interest of the the Executive-to hear it announced, that if there were country to act or stand still. grounds to believe that any such agreement was contem-these declarations been distorted not only by others, but YOL. II-17 66 |