MARCH, 1826. On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.) [SENATE. This our neighbors. But this is not the only effect of this of-mined to give him a frank, unequivocal refusal; but in ficious friendship. In pressing this hopeless intermedia-"such a manner, having respect for his merits, as not to tion of the Emperor Alexander we have dropped a word, "wound his feelings. She did so, and the refusal was which, if fairly understood by the crafty Nesselrode," so kind, that the fond foolish lover thought she had remay justly give great offence to these our friends. We "relented, and would not take no for an answer." are, it seems, to use our influence" in defeating, as far as apology might satisfy them. "But how does it happen may be in our power, every interference against those isl- that your Government is to defeat, as far as in its power, "ands in securing the rights of his Catholic Majesty con- every enterprise of ours against Cuba and Porto Rico?" "stant and proper respect, and in maintaining the only " Oh, we mean no such thing; the cunning Russian has "state of things that can preserve a just balance of power misquoted and circumvented us." "But you, it seems, "in the sea of the Antilles." "have come to modify our religion. This is the unkindAdd to this, that we are to intermeddle with their reli- “est cut of all. Our People consider you as heretics, disgion. On this subject the President is very explicit-"senters, and apostates from the true faith. Let this part "There is" (he says) "another subject, upon which," of your mission be known, let it be understood that our "without entering into any treaty, the moral influence of " holy religion is in danger; a storm will be raised that no"the United States may, perhaps, be exerted with bene-"thing can withstand, and we who invited you will be "ficial consequence at such a meeting-the advancement "the first victims of its fury. The priests will sound the "of religious liberty. Some of the Southern Nations are "alarm; it will reach the ears of every pious man: the even yet so far under the dominion of prejudice that" standard of Ferdinand, "his Most Faithful Majesty," will they have incorporated, with their political constitutions," be raised, and a counter-revolution be achieved in not "an exclusive church, without toleration of any other than " so many months, as we were years in accomplishing our "the dominant sect. The abandonment of this last badge "independence." I suppose their answer to this expos"of religious bigotry and oppression may be pressed tulation would be, that this was only a bait to catch the "more effectually, by the united exertions of those who pious, and make the measure popular here. concur in the principles of freedom of conscience, upon "those who are yet to be convinced of their justice and "wisdom, than by the solitary efforts of a Minister to any "one of the separate Governments." We then are to exert our influence there to induce an abandonment of this last badge of religious bigotry and oppression-an exclusive and intolerant church, which some have incorporated with their political institutions. How any one could suppose, or even dream that such an object could be accomplished, when these nations have expressly stipulated that this Congress shall do nothing which shall interrupt the establishment and form of their respective Governments," is, indeed, difficult to conceive. It is true that Mexico has incorporated these obnoxious principles in her Federal Constitution, and it is equally true, that her Government cannot, and much less can this Congress, alter that Constitution and expunge them. The course we have pursued, and ought to pursue, in regard to Cuba, is matter of much perplexity. A dark cloud hangs over that Island, and bears a threatening aspect. Which way it will pass over, where it will burst, or whether it will burst at all, no mortal can predict. Suppose the worst-an insurrection of the slaves, a servile war-can you, ought you to interfere? Which side would you take? Against the insurgents? My life for it, you could not maintain such a war-public opinion would not sustain you. A war out of the limits of the United States, a foreign war, to reduce men to servitude! Not an arm and scarcely a voice North of the Potomac, would be raised in your behalf. An administration who should attempt it, would seal its own destruction. No, sir, the liberal and discreet politicians of the North, sympathise with their brethren of the slave-holding States. Our maxim is, that it is an evil, which we cannot remedy. The only An interference in this most delicate of all subjects, relief we can give them, is to let them manage it themwould be as impolitic as unfriendly. The intelligent men selves, and that any interference on our part will make it of Mexico would have gladly rejected this constitutional worse. But beyond this we will not go. To send our provision, but they were obliged to concede it as the price troops, the sons of freemen, to a foreign country, to be the of their independence. No People on earth are more de- victims of the sword and the pestilence, for the purpose voted to their religion than Catholics-none are under of suppressing an insurrection of the slaves, is a measure more absolute control of their priests. Without concilia- against which we shall ever protest-to which we shall ting the People and their priests, their revolution could never submit. We could not if we would-the apostles never have been effected. The smallest attempt to touch of liberty, the advocates of universal emancipation would them in this tender point might even produce a counter-cry aloud, and denounce this war in favor of slavery! Revolution. If we look at home, we may learn that we Their voices would be heard, even in the humble habitawere obliged to countenance the same intolerant spirit to tion of the slave, and you would soon find it necessary to effect our Revolution. In an address of Congress we urged withdraw your army to preserve peace at home. So much as one of our complaints against the British King, his tole- for the North. I now ask the gentlemen of the South ration of the French Catholics in Canada, and, by the Con- whether, if it is only intended to discuss the condition of stitution of Massachusetts, an oath of abjuration was re- Cuba, Panama is the proper place. You have already said quired, which went to exclude Catholics from every office. too much against emancipation. By provoking a discusWhen a People is struggling for Independence, politi-sion you increase the evil you attempt to remedy. On this cians are obliged to yield to narrow, illiberal, popular prejudices, which they condemn, and leave it to time and the progress of intelligence to work the cure. subject your wisest policy is to say but little. But if you will speak, let it not be on the house top. To this extraordinary Congress the eyes of the world are turned. Its obOur dear friends, the Spanish Americans, might well jects, its deliberations, its determinations, are matters of expostulate and complain thus: "You advised us to re-universal interest. Let it be known that the rights of the "frain from an invasion of Cuba, lest it should prevent the slaves of Cuba are to be discussed there, and every philan"mediation of Russia. We did refrain; Spain has gained thropist and fanatic in Europe will be on the alert their "time and recovered strength, and the mediation is all a voices will be responded from the American continent→ "delusion." What would be your answer? "Mr. Clay the blacks will take fire, and the scenes of St. Domingo "is the champion of your cause, and he believed as he will be re-acted at home. No, let me repeat, when you "wished. Like a gentleman in love-he pressed his suit cannot see where to go, nor what to do, stand still and do "with all the eagerness of a distracted lover; the lady nothing. And wherein is the justice of your interference? "could not encourage his addresses, but she was too good You go there as invited friends, and on a subject most of "and too candid to deceive or coquette him. She deter-all important, you oppose them. So far as regards Spa VOL. II.-19. SENATE.] On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.) nish America, leave Cuba to its fate. These nations will, as they have told you, go in aid of the Creole population, and surely it would be a miserable aid indeed to let loose the slave upon his master. Your interference, in any way, will be an injury to them, if not a curse to your country. MARCH, 1826. with Mexico, and it is understood that, with her, the point is at length adjusted; and, if we were to encounter a question of that sort, it had much better be done with each, individually, without danger of a combination of interests against us. The Slave Trade has been mentioned as a subject to And what good reason can induce you to unite in set- come under the deliberations of this Congress, and we tling the political condition of Hayti? Are you not now have had a pretty smart rebuke from Mr. Salazar for not satisfied with its condition? If your political relations are ratifying the Colombian convention. This subject I think not sufficiently close, it is your own fault: for Hayti has I understand, and I might occupy a day in its discussion; always been solicitous for a closer union. You need not yet, from the limits I have prescribed to myself, I can surely send to Panama to determine what are your own scarcely afford it five minutes. Suffice it, then, to say, wishes. Nor need you fear what will be the determina- that however I detest this traffic, whatever force I would tion of that Congress, in regard to that Island. When employ to suppress it, and at whatever expense, I never France, as you had supposed, acknowledged its inde- would concede the right of search to any nation under pendence, you felt no alarm; and why should you fear if Heaven; nor would I, for any consideration, whether of the Spanish Americans should do the same? But the gen-humanity or policy, permit an officer of a foreign Governtleman from Louisiana insinuates, that, if the Haytiens ment to arrest and hold for trial a citizen of the United should ever be represented at Washington, their Minister States, on his suspicion that such citizen had committed a or Agent must be a white man. Now, if it is really a question crime against our own laws. If, however, this Congress of sufficient importance, to determine whether he should is, by declaration or manifesto, to declare this traffic piracy be black, yellow, or white, Panama is the last place in the by the law of nations, and such declaration or manifesto, world where I should go to settle it. When our fresh and not being a treaty, could not be submitted to the determifair Ministers shall enter the hall of that Congress, and nation of the Senate, the result, as to us, will be the same look round it on their associates, I apprehend that they as if we had established the principle by treaty. If the will deem it invidious and indelicate to talk about color. other parties receive it as law, and act upon it as interIf you or I, sir, had been selected for this mission, or some national law, your citizens will be subject to search, arof my friends who sit around me, or some of those on the rest, trial, and punishment, by foreigners, for a crime other side of the way, we might have discussed a question strictly municipal, without trial by jury, or any of the secuof complexion with a much better grace. But as it is, I am rities guarantied by the Constitution. In this way, muniinclined to believe we had better leave it to the United cipal may be converted into national law, not only by the States and Hayti to determine it themselves. treaty-making power, but by the President alone, without But, it seems, the law of nations is to be re-enacted, or the intervention even of the Senate, and the Executive of modified; the list of contraband is to be limited; block-this country would acquire a legislative power without ades are to be defined, and free ships are to make free limit and above control. However upriglit he may be, goods and to do all this, we must be represented at this the genius of the Government will not permit any man to Congress. Are these doctrines of ours, at this time, in wield such a power. Was I not, then, right, in stating that peculiar jeopardy? Are we any where threatened with a we were acting in the dark? And is it not equally true, resistance to the principles which we have endeavored to that we are taking a step which we can never retrace? maintain? Do any of these nations object to our maxims of Sir, you are on dangerous, untrodden ground-you are policy on any of these subjects? With France, Holland, approaching the brink of a precipice-the ground tremSpain, Prussia, Denmark, and Sweden, we have, by trea- bles beneath your feet-advance one step, and you may ty, adjusted these points to our own satisfaction. With plunge into the abyss, and be lost forever. Russia we have no treaty, yet we know her views to be Mr. BERRIEN, of Georgia, addressed the Senate as folcoincident with ours, in regard to them all. You well re-lows: I have a hope, Mr. President, (said Mr. B.) perhaps collect that, in 1780 or 1781, while France, Holland, it is a vain one, that I may have strength enough to state to Spain, and the United States, were at war with England, the Senate the views which I entertain on this subject. Russia was principal in forming what I think was called by I cannot consent to give a silent vote, on a question so some "the quadruple alliance," but generally, the “armed deeply interesting to this Union, and especially, and in neutrality." Look at the manifesto of those Powers on some of its aspects, to my immediate constituents. Nor am that occasion, and you will find their doctrines of contra- willtng, pressed as we have been, by the steadily moving band, blockade, and giving the character of the goods to phalanx of our opponents, to the final decision of this the ship, in perfect agreement with our own. And is controversy, to ask from their courtesy an indulgence, there the least ground of fear that these Spanish Ameri- which they would be unwilling to accord. No, Sir I ricans will resist these principles? Our marine strength is prefer, even in my weakness, at once to mingle in the far superior to all theirs combined, and these principles for strife, and struggling with the debility arising from bodily which we contend, are always concessions of the stronger indisposition, and with the difficulties which belong to the to the weaker State. This is the reason why England subject, I will seek support, and I will find it, in the will never yield them. These nations, now at war with strength of the feeling which animates me. Spain, might be disposed to search for enemies' goods, on board the ships of a weak or inconsiderable neutral, but knowing the strength of our navy, they never would venture on such an experiment upon us, and they never have done it. The reason is manifest. By our treaty with Spain, we can carry the goods of a Spanish American,ject, for the most part, necessarily similar, and tending to without molestation from Spanish cruisers; and, consequently, these Spanish Americans ought not to molest us, if we do the same for a subject of Spain-and they do not molest us. In the treaties with them already made, this has never been a point of difficulty, and never will be; they will always consider it as a concession made to them. As to a reciprocity in commerce, that, when we have negotiated, has been conceded without difficulty, except I am, moreover, entirely sensible of the disadvantage at which I must necessarily address the Senate, at this late stage of the discussion, when the attention has been wea ried, not merely by the continued contemplation of the same subject, but by views and illustrations of that sub conduct the hearer to the same result. With two exceptions, for which I take this occasion to offer my individual acknowledgments, it has seemed good to those who differ from us, to preserve the dignity of silence. We have conjured them to give to us the benefit of those profound and comprehensive views, which have trained their minds to a conclusion, in which they repose, alike free from apprehensions, and inaccessible to argument. By all those MARCH, 1826.] On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.) [SENATE. considerations which bind us to each other, we have en-ity, a measure which saved us from the vortex of Eurotreated them to mingle their counsels with ours, on this pean contention-to which each successive administration. interesting occasion-to impart to us a portion of that has adhered with fidelity—which Washington himself thus light, by the brightness of which they can tread, fearless-emphatically announced-"The great rule of conduct for ly, a path, that, to our less enlightened view, seems beset" us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our with danger. They have been deaf to our supplications. "commercial relations, to have with them as little political Our entreaties have passsed by them as the idle wind," connection as possible. So far as we have already which they regard not. Walking, themselves, by the light" formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect of faith, which is the evidence of things unseen, they will "good faith. Here let us stop." not stretch forth a hand to withdraw us from the ways of the error which they impute to us. Sir, we might imitate this example. We, too, might advance in silence to the destiny which seems to await us, in the consummation of this ill-fated project. For myself, I will not do it. "Whe"ther men will hear, or whether they will not hear, is not "strictly my personal concern: but my intention no man "taketh from me." Repressing the suggestions of pride, I will remember only that we have a common interest in the result of our common counsels, and even in the little interval that separates the moment which is from that which shall mark the registry, to which we are summoned, I will still expostulate with our opponents, in a spirit alike free from arrogance and from servility-in the spirit of truth, and of soberness. The proposition which I am endeavoring to illustrate, asserts merely, that the proposed mission to Panama involves an abandonment of the policy by which this Confederation has hitherto been governed, at a time when, by a steady adherence to that policy, we are prosperous and happy. It is of the character of the measure in this view alone, that I speak at this moment. To the motives which are urged to induce its adoption, it will be my duty hereafter to advert. Here it is sufficient to recognize these facts, that the proposed association of American nations at Panama, is a political one, and that such an association is a departure from the settled policy of this Government. That such is the character of the Association, is not denied by those who advocate the measure, is proclaimed in every page of the documents before us; and if to the brief Sir, the measure to which we are called, is distinguished remark which I have made, it is necessary to add any by a novelty, which induces me to pause. So far as the thing to prove, that the policy of this Government is such project is disclosed, it is plainly injurious to the best inte- as I have represented it, I refer myself to the argument of rests of this People, while much of it is veiled from the the gentleman from New York, with whom I concur geview of the most scrutinizing inquiry. Clouds and dark-nerally, in the view which he has taken of this distinctive ness rest upon it. It comes, sir, in such a questionable feature, in the political history of this Union. shape, that I will speak to it. Under the guise of a just sensibility to the interests of the Spanish American Republics, it proposes to change the whole system of our foreign relations, by the mere exercise of the appointing power to involve the interests of this Union in a foreign association, composed of States with whom we have no natural connection, and over whose councils we can exercise no efficient control. More distinctly, sir-and in the first place. In a season of unexampled prosperity, which we have attained by a rapidity of march, to which history affords no parallel, which invites to no change in the general system of our foreign relations, "and least of all to such change as this would bring us," we are required to abandon the wise and salutary policy which has hitherto conducted us in safety, to form a political association with the Republics of Spanish America. Standing on an elevated position, in an attitude which has secured to us the respect and admiration of the worldhaving attained this elevation, by preserving an entire freedom of action, and by the rapid development of our own resources, what is it that should tempt us to descend from our high estate, to mingle in diplomatic intrigues, and to make ourselves parties to international Confedera cies, on this or the other side of the Atlantic? Especially it is most obvious to inquire, what is the character of that association, of which we are about to become a part, by approving this nomination? Sir, it is not a mere Diplo matic Council. It is an international assembly, created by treaties, and invested with powers, which are efficient for the purposes of its institution, some and the principal of which are belligerent. An association with such a Congress, must necessarily commit our neutrality. The general argument on these propositions, has been I should waste the time of the Senate, if I were to de-pressed with so much perspicuity and force, by gentlemen tain you by the formal proof of the fact, that the United who have preceded me; they have gone into such fulness States are at this moment in the enjoyment of an unex- of detail, that I do not propose to tax the patience of the ampled prosperity. I appeal to the Message of the Pre-Senate, by a renewed discussion of the whole question. sident at the opening of the session, for the evidences of There are two points connected with it, however, on which our prosperous and happy condition, of the flourishing I desire to be heard. state of our finances, of the increase of our commerce, our wealth, our population, and the extent of our territory; and for the proof that we are permitted to enjoy these bounties of Providence in peace and tranquillity; in peace with all the nations of the earth, in tranquillity among ourselves. In the first place, I ask the attention of the Senate to this remark. Whatever declarations may be made to the contrary, however foreign it may be from the intention of the President, it will be the necessary consequence of this mission, that we shall become parties to the Congress of Panama, to the extent of what is denominated the pledge of Mr. Monroe, or we must disappoint the expectations, and excite the resentments, of the Spanish American States. This proposition includes these ideas: What are the duties which these considerations inculcate? I propose the question in sober sadness to the majority of this House. Thus situated, what is it that we owe to the Republic? Is it to embark in quest of novelty on the occan of experiment-to yield ourselves to the visionary and fantastic schemes of polital projectors-to the splendid but delusive suggestions of a wild and reckless ambition? Is it not rather to preserve, to cherish, to guard with more than vestal vigilance, that enlarged and liberal, but stable and self-dependent system of policy, which, by the blessing of God, has conducted us to our present happy and prosperous condition? What is that policy? Sir, it is the policy which guided the councils of WASHINGTON— which produced the celebrated proclamation of neutral-policy. That the Spanish American States consider this Government as pledged to them to resist the interference of any European Power in the war which they are waging for their independence, by force of the official declarations of Mr. Monroe, and the subsequent acts of our adminis tration. That it is one and a principal and distinctly avowed ob. ject of the proposed Congress at Panama, to concert the means by which effect is to be given to this our system of SENATE.] On the Panama Mission—(in conclave.) That the assent of the Senate, the remaining branch of the treaty-making power, is alone wanting to commit the national faith, however the forms of the Constitution may require other agencies for its redemption. That a failure to realize these expectations, must be productive of feelings of coldness and ill-will. [MARCH, 1826. gentlemen prepared to do this? Sir, this wretched bantling must one day breathe the upper air. However darkly nurtured in this political dungeon, to which the sign manual of the President, and our own too easy confidence have consigned us, it must see the light. It must stand before the majesty of the American People. Do gentlemen believe that they are prepared to do this thing? To stake the fair and goodly heritage, to which they have succeeded, on the issue of a contest with the Powers of Europe, in defence of these new Republics? In defence of any other rights but their own? If this inquiry cannot be met, will it be evaded, by suggesting that the contingency is remote; that the Powers of Europe will not interfere; that our association with the Spanish American States will prevent their interference? What more decisive proof can be offered, that the act proposed to us by these Ministers, will be a violation of our neutrality? A wrong done to Spain? We are to deliberate with her enemies; to give them the benefit of our councils; nay, to play the bravado in their behalf; to threaten the Powers of Europe with the vengeance that awaits them, if one of them shall dare to draw a sword for Spain-and this is consistent with our "professed principles of neutrality." Sir, if this be true, what are our principles? Are not our professions without principle? But is the contingency remote? Will not our interference tend to accelerate it? Will no restlessness be excited in Europe, when we shall avow ourselves to be the champions of the new States? And even England, liberal as her course has been towards these States-who doubts that it has been regulated by her commercial interests' Will she consider those interests safe, under the direction of a Confederation, to the guidance of which we make pretensions? We are her rivals in the competition for the commerce of these States. Can she deal with them in the same spirit, when we take a seat in their councils? Let us examine the two first in connexion. Does any gentleman doubt what is the view taken of this declaration by the Republics of Spanish America, or that they consider it to be one of the subjects of the deliberations of the Congress at Panama, in which we are to participate? On both these points, the Minister of the United States of Mexico is clear and explicit. He expresses himself thus: "The Government of the subscriber never supposed nor "desired that the United States of America would take part "in the Congress about to be held, in other matters than "those which, from their nature and importance, the late "administration pointed out and characterized as being of "general interest to this Continent." This is the strongest mode of expressing both the expectation and the desire of the Mexican Government, that the United States would take part in the Congress, in those matters which had been so characterized and pointed out. The Minister proceeds: "For which reason, (that is, because the late administration had pointed it out as of general interest to the Con"tinent,) one of the subjects which will occupy the at"tention of the Congress, will be the resistance or oppo"sition to the interference of any neutral nation, in the "question and war of independence, between the new Powers of the continent and Spain." Here is the idea in bold relief, a distinct assertion, that resistance to the interference of any European Power, in the war between Spain and those States, is a question of general interest to the continent, this Government included; that it has been expressly so characterized by the late administration, and that it is one of those subjects to be discussed in that Congress, in which we are expected to participate. But how Give to our adversaries, argumenti gratia, the benefit participate? By our counsels merely? No sir. Being, as of the suggestion. Be the contingency remote or near, this Minister asserts we are, "of accord (with them) as it is still a contingency; on the happening of which, this to resistance," we are, in that Congress, to "discuss the Government is pledged in the view of those States to an means of giving to that resistance all possible force," which, alliance with them, for hostile purposes. What intellihe adds, is only to be accomplished "by a previous con- gent statesman would found such a pledge on the notion cert as to the mode in which each shall lend its co-opera- of the remoteness of the contingency, which should call tion." The Minister of Colombia is equally decisive on for its redemption? Take the instance referred to by the this point. He speaks of this subject as one to be discuss-gentleman from New York-who would have expected, ed in the Congress, and one of great importance; suggests at the time the contract was entered into, that we should the propriety of a treaty in relation to it, to remain secret have been called to the fulfilment of our guarantee to until the casus fœderis should happen, and adds, "This France? "is a matter of immediate utility to the American States Pause, to consider for a moment, the question of the re"that are at war with Spain, and is in accordance with the moteness or propinquity of this contingency. Brazil yet "repeated declarations and protests of the Cabinet at Wash-bows beneath imperial sway. The glitter of her diadem "ington." To this discussion, and this treaty, he mani- is offensive to the Spanish American Republics. The Lifestly expects that we are to become parties. berator pants to finish the great work, to which he thinks he is called-the emancipation of a Continent. Ere long, the arms of the Confederacy will press upon Brazil. Will Portugal slumber? Will she not be forced by circumstances to become the ally of Spain? Will not the contingency then have arrived And Great Britain, always the friend and guardian of Portugal, will she be indifferent to the cries of her ancient and faithful ally? Hitherto, the Spanish American Republics have been contending for the right of self-government, and mankind have been forced to feel the justice of their cause. The war against Brazil will have a different character. The object will be to impose their own form of government on a neighboring People. In this state of things, will the united claims of Spain and of Portugal find no allowance from the other nations of Europe? If these contingencies should happen, will the People of these States be willing to embark in the contest?' Is it not then obvious, that these invitations have been given by the Ministers of the Spanish American States, under a perfect conviction, which is plainly and frankly expressed in the very letters of invitation, that we would participate in the deliberations of the Congress at Panama, in the resistance to be made to the interference of any neutral nation, in the question and war of independence between these States and Spain? And that, conceding the principle, that we are bound to such resistance and opposition by our own previous and repeated declarations and protests, we would proceed to concert with them in that Congress, the means of giving to that resistance the greatest possible force? Shall we realize these expectations? We are, then, to take our seats in an international assembly, composed of Deputies from five belligerent States, with instructions, I care not how restricted, to stipulate with them the terms of an eventual alliance, in the prosecution of the very war in which they are now engaged; to arrange the means of giving to our joint efforts the greatest possible force. Are Will it be said, that, whatever might have been the character of this "celebrated pledge," it has become inoperative, by the force of intervening circumstances? 281 MARCH, 1826.] OF DEBATES IN CONGRESS. On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.) [SENATE. That Spain is in a state of exhaustion-that the war for impressive and as binding as any language. He has been Spanish American independence no longer exists in fact? little observant of diplomatic correspondence, who has I answer, in its original terms, it did not contemplate oppo- not perceived with what studied care, pretensions which sition to Spain acting alone, but to Spain acting by the aid it is not intended to admit, even although they may relate But the President was not silent, and he did not repel of an European ally. Her exhausted condition does not, to subjects entirely collateral, are stated and repelled. therefore, remove the pledge. But do the Spanish American States consider it at an end? Why then have they this pretension. On the contrary, the Secretary of State, called upon us, to stipulate the terms of its redemption, acting under his immediate eye, distinctly affirmed it. in the Congress of Panama? Does our own Government The Ministers of those Republics tell him that this quesconsider it at an end? Why then have they, so recently, tion, of the mode of resistance to European interference, acted upon it, at the call of the United States of Mexico? will arise before this Congress-that it is a question of If this difficulty can neither be met nor evaded, will common interest to the Nations of America-that it is exgentlemen resort to the universal nostrum, the great poli-pected, that our Ministers will have express instructions on tical panacea, confidence in the Executive? Sir, on this this point in their credentials-and, without denying, and subject of confidence, I am willing to deal justly-nay, as thereby admitting the truth of these assertions, and the far as I am personally concerned, liberally. But I stand reasonableness of this expectation, the Secretary an"ered and instructed on all questions, likely to arise in here as one of the Representatives of a sovereign State, swers, that our Commissioners "will be fully empow Can it be doubted, then, charged to watch over her interests, and to the best of my poor ability, to defend them-enjoined to decide accord-"the Congress, on subjects in which the Nations of Ameing to the rule of evidence, and not the rule of faith. Be-"rica have a common interest." sides, I protest that the concession of confidence here, that the Spanish American States have a right to expect that is purely gratuitous absolutely without consideration. our Ministers will be instructed to act upon the subject of There is an entire want of reciprocal confidence. What resistance to European interference, and to concert with is the evidence on which you were called to decide one them the means of giving to our combined resistance, the of the most important questions ever presented to an utmost possible force? American Senate? Did it consist in a frank disclosure of the facts necessary to inform your judgment? Was it that evidence on which your judgment was ultimately founded? And how was the evidence extorted, but by repeated calls of this House? As the constitutional advisers of the President, were we deemed unworthy of his whole confidence? If so, are we prepared to yield ours? But, sir, this concession of confidence would not only be gratuitous-it would be also against the plainest and most palpable evidence. We have seen what is the view entertained by the Spanish American Ministers, of this "celebrated pledge" of resistance to European interference, in the question and war of their independence. Now, if we are required to confide implicitly in the President, to protect us against these pretensions, we must look to his declarations, not merely to us, but to those Ministers-not merely to what he has said, but to what he has omitted to say when the pccasion required him to speak-not to his acts and declarations alone, but to the acts and declarations of his authorized agents, either expressly or tacitly approved, to ascertain if there is a sufficient basis on which to rest this confidence. I grant you, sir, the President has told us, that the mo- war. When, therefore, I am required to act upon faith, in the spirit of unlimited confidence, I say the occasion does not authorize it-the evidence forbids it: When I am told that the President will not commit our neutrality, I answer that he has already manifested his determination to put it the President-from what he has said to us to what he has to the hazard of events. I appeal from the President to said to these Ministers, and to what he has omitted to say, plainly. But this is not the whole case. when the occasion required him to speak, and to speak The declarations of our Minister to Mexico place this subject beyond all controversy. He asserts it, even more broadly than the Spanish American Ministers themselves; more strongly than, consistently with a just pride, with a proper degree of self-respect, they could have asserted it. According to these declarations, if any European Power shall interfere in the pending war between Spain and these States, we are not only to fly to their aid, to make common cause with them in the struggle, but we are, yes, sir, we are to bear the brunt of the contest. Now, I ask you, sir, do you, does any man believe, that the American Peowill submit to it? If this be true, the blood and treasure of ple understand this thing, or that, understanding, they this People, aye, our own blood and treasure, are to be freely spent in defence of Spanish American liberty. We are Under what circumstances is this declaration made? Is to be their champions, if need be, against Europe in arms. It is made in the spirit of it to manifest our "profound sensibility" to the welfare of these new Republics? No, sir. a cold and calculating policy, for the advancement of our own interests, with little idea that we should be called to fulfil it—a huckstering bargain, to secure certain advantages in a commercial treaty. Does any one pretend, I have not heard it suggested here, that these declarations of our Minister at Mexico Such an assertion would itself be unauthorized. were unauthorized by the President? The answer is obvious. Whether we look to the character of the Minister, or to the evidence before us, the same conclusion is forced upon us. I deny the title of any man to credit, who shall assert the contrary, on the documents before us. The fact that such a declaration had been made, was distinctly His conduct was approv communicated to the Secretary of State. Was the Minister rebuked for it? Was the pledge disavowed? Was he instructed to recall it' No, sir. He remains at this moment in the same important ed. Will any profound examiner of dates assert, that there station, enjoying the full confidence of the Government. |