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393 MARCH 30, 1826.].

OF DEBATES IN CONGRESS.

Executive Powers.

rock (recent as to us) upon the new, wild, dangerous, and, as I fear, fatal policy, now, for the first time, if not announced, attempted to be practised upon by this rash and faeble Administration. Elizabeth and Burleigh were cautious and powerful. The Stuarts and the Buckinghams profligate, feeble, and rash. It was then that I forewarned the Senate that the red-hot poker of some Orloff the Bulafre, or Orloff, the other FAVORITE-(it was a regular household appointment of Catharine la Grande somewhat irregularly filled occasionally-a la Cossaque.) It was on that day that I suggested to the Senate that the poker or the bowstring of a Zuboff, or the something else of somebody else-some other Russian or Russian in off the instrument and the mute nearest at hand in the Capræan styes of tyranny and lust-was ready to despatch this new successor of the TSARS-of the Constantines-of the Byzantine Cæsars.

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the work, ("it is finished!" No, sir, it is not finished:) was, on the principle that the laborer is worthy of his hire, entitled to all that they who employed him to do the work could give as wages; he was, at least, entitled to what they had stipulated to give, even at the eleventh hour; and, whatever promises may have been made to him, it is the bounden duty of the promiser to see that they are Carolina must not complain that they are working in their made good to the promisee. The gentleman from North vocation."Tis my vocation, Hal! 'tis your vocation." Be it our vocation, sir, to call them to a more suitable vocation. I, sir, have no personal resentments against these unhappy People; these unfortunate gentlemen, as they say of every man who is unmasked-I disclaim all personal feelings. My resentments are entirely political-they are for my persons retire to the obscurity that becomes their imbecilicountry's enemies, not mine. Sir, let these unhappy But, sir, I, the common libeller of great and good men, ty, and befits their shame, and they shall never hear did injustice to both these legitimates; to St. Nicholas from me the language of sarcasm or reproach. I should as and to Cæsarovitch. I thought too ill of one of them, and soon think of setting out to Paris, to scald the vermin that I thought that Commodus would annoyed me there near two years ago-to have the fleas too well of the other. "show fight." But, sir, let us not despair of the Russian.catched, cracked, or boiled, in revenge, or, in experiIn spite of Montesquieu's sneer, he can feel" for a bro-ment, to ascertain whether or not they are lobsters. Sir, I He has should surely be put into the Institute, for my devotion to ther, at least, even altough he be not flayed alive, except would not "d-n even their souls," if they had them. I now and then, ander the autocracy of the knout. This Panama mission, is no new thing, as I shall now not, indeed, yet learned" to make Revolutions with Rose science, and the cause of humanity. Water"-that is the political philosopher's stone, which is yet in the womb of time, to be brought forth by some mo- proceed to show: "January 20th, 1824. House of ReBut he shows signs of capabi- " presentatives. On motion of Mr. Webster, the House "resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the dern Accucheur-reformer. He cannot, indeed, relity that are quite encouraging. decin his paper, neither can the Bank of Kentucky redeem" state of the Union, Mr. Taylor in the chair. It was its paper; but the red-hot poker is replaced by a box of well understood, that our present Minister to Mexicosweet-meats the bow-string by a medal hung around the to the Government, I presume, of Mexico-(I don't say neck-the badge, not of Death, but of ideocy and cow-near Mexico, because a man who is at a town must cerardice. Commodus is brave no where, but in the arena,tainly be more than near to it)-was to offer a string of with kittens, and puppy dogs, and women, for his anta-resolutions, and did offer them; but Mr. Clay, who was gonists; a veritable master Thomas Nero-see Hogarth's progress of cruelty. An Ukase, backed by a hobby-horse, or a medal, and a box of sweet-meats; goody goodies, as the overgrown children say, is the full consideration paid, had, and received, for the surrender of the autocratical crown of the largest Empire in the world, and some say A the most powerful-of the proud eminence of the Umpire How vastly amiable and sentimental! of Europe. Ukase now does what was formerly done with a red-hot poker, or a bow-string; a Ukase, with a most affectionate fraternal letter, a box of sweet-meats, a hobby-horse, or a medal-as we, in our barbarous slave-holding country, do, sometimes, hang a quarter of a dollar round a child's neck to keep it in good humor-all cooled, however, with the blood of a few real adherents to legitimacy-in the persons of the guards of the Empire, faithful among the faithless" the United States of America in Congress assembled, That to make the charm firm and good.

Would the gentle. man from North Carolina reduce us to worse than this Russian barbarism? Will he contend, that even Judas was not entitled to the thirty pieces of silver-to the consideration money.

then Speaker of the House of Representatives, and who
could not make a motion except in Committee of the
Whole, by the rules of the House, anticipated Mr.
Poinsett by moving this resolution, Mr. Webster having
first enabled him to do so, by moving for the committee,
whereupon Mr. Taylor was called to the chair. [Here a
whom he feels much respect, as he does for the whole
member of the Senate apprised Mr. R. that a lady, for
class of ladies, was in the House. It was not Mrs.
for whose character Mr. R. feels peculiar admiration and
reverence.] Mr. R. said, I cannot help it, sir; I shall and
must go on and do my duty at every hazard, howsoever
unpleasant or invidious it may be. Then, checking him-
"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of
self, he smiled, and asked, "Is Mrs. T. also in the House?"

"the People of these States would not see, without seri-
"ous inquietude, any forcible interposition, by the Al-
"their former subjection those parts of the Continent of
"lied Powers of Europe, in behalf of Spain, to reduce to
"America which have proclaimed and established for
themselves, respectively, Independent Governments,
“ and which have been solemnly recognized by the Unit-
"ed States."

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This is the first Administration that has openly run the principle of patronage against that of patriotism-that has "The Committee of the Whole having resumed the unblushingly avowed, aye, and executed its purpose, of buy"consideration of the resolution recommending an aping us up with our own money. Sir, there is honor among thieves shall it be wanting then among the chief captains "Mr. Poinsett, of South Carolina, rose, and adof our Administration? I hope not, sir. Let Judas have his "propriation to defray the expense of a mission to Greece, "dressed the House, in a speech of some length, which thirty pieces of silver, whatever disposition he may choose to make of them hereafter-whether they shall go to buy a "Resolved, That this House view with deep interest Potter's-field, in which to inter this miserable Constitution" he concluded by moving the following amendment: of ours, crucified between two gentlemen, suffering for “conscience sake," under the burthen of the two first offi-"the heroic struggle of the Greeks to clevate themselves "unite with the President in the sentiments he has exces of this Government-forced upon one of them by the" to the rank of a free and independent nation; and to "pressed in their favor; in sympathy for their sufferings, in forms of the Constitution, against its spirit and his own, which is grieved that the question cannot be submitted to the People-or, whether he shall do that justice to him-" interest in their welfate, and in ardent wishes for their self, which the finisher of the law is not, as yet, permitted to do for him, is quite immaterial, Judas, having done

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success.

"Resolved, That this House concur in the sentiments

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Executive Powers.

"expressed by the President, in relation to this hemis-
"phere, and would view any attempt to oppress or con-
trol the free governments of America, South of us, by
"the Allied Powers of Europe, as dangerous to the
peace and happiness of the United States; and that such
"measures as may be deemed expedient to protect them
"from the attacks of any power, other than that of Spain
"alone, and unassisted, will meet its cordial support.'
[The latter resolution was withdrawn by Mr. P. in con-
sequence of a resolution to a similar effect having been
laid upon the table by the Speaker.}

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[MARCH 30, 1826.

deem equitable-to have "a settlement upon equitable
principles-not at the Treasury-such accounts could
never pass there-but on the new fashioned principles-
"equitable principles," by which accounts of anomalous
character, without voucher or law, except the act of set-
tlement, are cast and paid out of our money-the Peo-
ple's money.-Here were the knowing ones addling their
pates, and cudgelling their brains, and wearing at their
shoes, and wasting their money, their whole per diem,
some of them in hackhire, driving from one end of this
interminable and desolate city to the other, intriguing
about the Presidency; trying, perhaps, to make some
dirty bargain for the Presidency, when the question was
settled as far back as in January, 1824. I have not proof
positive, but I think I have what the lawyers call a nega
five pregnant, that this election was not conducted as it
ought to have been conducted—that it was managed, not
conducted at all. The great Mr. Pitt once said in his place
in Parliament, that if any man, gentle or simple, should
put the direct question to him, whether or not a conupt
influence was used in elections there and exercised
("through the means of patronage") "over both Houses
of Parliament?"-(aye and over the body of the People
too, and over the press)-he should laugh in such gentle-
man's or simpleton's face, and say,
"Sir is not so."
[Here ends Mr. R.'s revision of these remarks. What
follows is finished from the notes of our Reporter.]
I intended, sir, to have gone into some other consider-
ations more at length. I must reserve them for a future
time. I believe that they have vital warmth in them suffi-
cient to preserve their animation till that time shall arrive.

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I shall not read more. I say now, sir, that the House went into Committee of the Whole, on motion of Mr. Webster-that Mr. Taylor was in the chair—(I beg your attention to the names)-that Mr. Poinsett had resolutions to offer on the subjects of South America and Greece, in which he was anticipated by the then Speaker, now Secretary of State. I am speaking from the record-from the book. Is my date noted-January 20, 1824. I must remark, (in passing) that a proposition was brought forward by Mr. Webster, at that very identical time, if my memory don't deceive me, in reference to interference of the United States in behalf of Greece. The “nation?”—no, sir, the United States, the People of the United States, can never forget the zeal, the more than parental zeal, with which the present Secretary of State then hovered over the resolution-aye, and over the personal and political character of the mover, (Mr. Webster) -with all the tender anxiety of a parent hen with her one chicken. There was full as much bustle, and the object of at least equal value; for, little things are great to little men. We all know the gentleman, (Mr. Bartlett) from | I believe they will stand a Russian frest. New Hampshire-Portsmouth, New Hampshire-unfor- Now, sir, the election being over, about which I shall tunate Portsmouth!-haud ignerus mali, miseris succur- say nothing-I bring no sort of inuendo against great men rere disco-thrice unhappy Portsmouth-infelix Dide-great let me call them, since they have conquered me, she who stands again almost alone, as in the days of John my constituents, my People-and se, having conquered Langdon, for our rights-how was she treated on that oc- that People, that is the affair of that People-I deal with casion, and by a former Representative of Portsmouth too, them only as the half Representative of the State of Viras well as by his new ally-in defence of what? In defence ginia-but there are some curious coincidences, sir, in reof the proposition of Mr. Webster, and of his political cha-gard to this matter. Not only do we find one of these genracter, as a federalist of the true Boston stamp; and by tlemen, almost the avowed confidential organ of the Exewhom? By the then Speaker, now Secretary of State. cutive and Manager of the House of Commons-I beg Now, sir, I do not pretend to be a man of more than ordi- pardon-the House of Representatives-another, in the nary sagacity. never pretended to be able to see farther Secretaryship of State; a third, in the Speaker's chair; but into a millstone than other People, and not so far as those we find the fourth, Minister to Mexico. Now, sir, what that look through the eye-but I did, immediately after better could be done for a gentleman, avowedly well this transaction, write a letter to a friend, which letter, qualified for the mission, than to make him some reparawith its postmark and date, can now be produced, stating tion for this cruel decollation of his motion? The reparathat, according to my view of things, an alliance, offensive tion was due to him-it has been made. At that time-I and defensive, had been got up between Old Massachu-mean in 1824-1 took something of an active part in the setts and Kentucky-between the frost of January, and House of Representatives; I was forced on in the Greek young, blythe, buxom, and blooming May-the eldest question, and we put the Greeks on the shelf, mover and daughter of Virginia—young Kentucky-not so young, all-pro hac vice I mean. But at that time the mover of however, as not to make a prudent match, and sell her this resolution, which I have just read, about South Amecharms for their full value. I had been an eye and car wit-rica, says, in reply to the gentleman from Virginia, to ness of the billing and cooing between the old sinner and whom it does not become me to allude if I could possibly the young saint, and had no doubt that the consummation avoid it, that, when that discussion should come up, he would, in a decent time, be effected. I wrote that letter pledged himself to show, I don't know how many fine then, in the month of January, 1824; and, therefore, when things; and the gentleman said he had been too long acI came here in the month of December, 1824, on my re- quainted with his promises to rely on them, and he lookturn from Europe, I wanted no ghost to tell me about the ed for performance-which never came from that day to future movements of certain "distinguished public charac-this-for that resolution has never been called up-it ters," and consequently of the evolutions of the forces, slept-it took a dose of Turkey opium-a dose from the whether the heavy phalanxes, or active legions, under their Levant, brought in a Greek ship-it fell sound asleep, command. I wanted nobody to tell me, what I thought it | and has not waked from that day to this-did I say from required not more than half an eye to see. I put myself, that day to this? Yes sir. It waked up like the man in the therefore, calmly into winter quarters, at Dowson's, No. Arabian Nights Entertainments, who, having fallen asleep 2, and hybernated very quietly during the session, taking a groom, waked up in the palace of the Grand Vizier, no part in what was done, legislatively or otherwise. Al with the Vizier's daughter for his wife-it waked up in the nost the only time that I took a part, I was acting, like Department of State-while the friendly genius who had the rest, a very selfish part; I was taking care of number metamorphosed him, had put the bridegroom in a place not one; and having put number one reclus in curia, I left to be named before gentleinen, much more before ladies. number two and number three and four to play out the game, and to divide the spoil in the ratio that they might

So much for the Presidential question, out of the House; now, one word of coming in. Sir, it was on that very oc

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casion [Here Mr. HAYNE said something, in a low voice, to Mr. R.-I beg pardon, I must go on. Well, sir, this alliance between the East and the West being consummated by a new species of Congress-not the Congress between the sexes, but a different one-this alliance being consummated, do you wonder that the President of the United States should, from his new ally, learn to play at the political game of brag? The gentleman from North Carolina complains of the President coming here with a plan of his powers: he imitated the wise man at Rome, who could jump thirty leagues at a leap, but took care not to go through it there-they buried the hatchet, and, with it, the pledges they had given to prove each other to be -what, I shan't say.

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ter's wrath. He can tell his story and put a face on the matter. What are you doing with my coffer? I am going to take it to the ship. Who told you to do so? Nobody. What is the name of the ship? I don't know; but, having a tongue in my head, I can inquire. Why did you carry my coffer off? Did you not chastise me the other day for not having done something without being ordered? Did not I know you were about to embark, and was it not my duty to see your luggage safe on board the ship? Abel's reply was, "My good friend, go about your business I "never play with those who sometimes have a card too many, and sometimes a card too few." It shall be my business (said Mr. R.) to prove, at a future time, that this is the predicament in which our present Ministry stand; Sir, in what book is it-you know better than I-in whereas, on a certain occasion, they had a card too few, what parliamentary debate was it, that, upon a certain on another, they had a card too many, or e converso. I beunion between Lord Sandwich, one of the most corrupt lieve I can prove it both ways. I, like Don Abel, am ready and profligate of men in all the relations of life, and the to bid them go their ways in peace, and to determine that sanctimonious, puritanical Lord Mansfield, and the other they shall never play again, with the power and the money ministerial leaders-on what occasion was it, that Junius of the People that I represent, with my leave. I say I will said, after Lord Chatham had said it before him, that it re-prove, if the Senate will have the patience to listen to minded him of the union between Blifil and Black George?ine-I will prove to their satisfaction that the President I, who am no professional man, but only a planter: I, has Jonathan-Russelled himself. I have as good a right to whose reading has not gone very deep into black letter, coin compound verbs as other People. say the Presithough I do know some little of that too: I do believe dent of the United States has Jonathan-Russelled himselfthere is more wisdom-after the Bible, Shakspeare, and has shown that, in the execution of a great public trust, Milton-I do believe that, in Don Quixote, Gil Blas, and he has done that which has damned Jonathan Russell to Tom Jones, there is contained a greater body of wisdom everlasting infamy, and enabled him to put his foot on than is to be found in the same number of pages in the Russell-to clap an extinguisher or him. If I don't prove whole collection of English and foreign literature. I might it-it is a pledge that shall be redeemed-not like the have added to them, the famous Thousand and One pledge about the navigation of the Mississippi-not like Nights: for, though they are fabulous, they are human na- the pledge about this Spanish American resolution-it ture, sir. It is true it is Eastern nature, but it is the same shall be redeemed, or I will st down infamous and conthing that Fielding served up-it is human nature. I re-tented for the rest of my life. And how, sir, has he Jona member very well, one of the numerous heroes of Gil than-Russelled himself? He has done it by the aid and inBlas, the son of Coscolina, our old friend Scipio-I recol- strumentality of this very new ally. I shall not say which lect very well, an adventure that befel him. Towards the is Blifil and which is Black George. I do not draw my close of that inimitable and immortal romance, Scipio is pictures in such a way as to render it necessary to write called on to tell the story of his life. He begins by saying under them "this is a man, this is a horse." I say this that he-it is a remarkable coincidence-he was born in new ally has been the means of Jonathan-Russelling him; infancy to indigence, ignorance-and, sir, the son of Cos- and for what? Sir, we hear a great deal about the infirmity colina might have kept up the alliteration, by adding, to of certain constitutions-not paper constitutions-we hear impudence; and that, if he had been the author of his own a great deal of Constitutional infirmity-seven years is too being if he had been consulted on the occasion, he long for some of us to wait; and if the President can be would have been a grandee of the first class. Who doubts disposed of at the end of three years, then, being Jonait? Who doubts Scipio or any one else, when he says he than-Russelled, may they not, by some new turning up of should wish to have been born of a good family, to a good trumps, expect to succeed him? I shall suggest to my estate, and to have been brought up in good habits, and good friend from Missouri, whether there is not in fact a with the manners and principles of a gentleman? Who Trojan horse within the walls of the Capitol-no, not of doubts it? It was Scipio's misfortune that he was not; and the Capitol, but of the Executive Palace. I would suggest I would take even Scipio's evidence in this case, or any to him whether there is not an enemy in the camp, who, other man's. Among other adventures that befel the son if I should fail in blowing any body sky high, will put of Coscolina, he entered into the service of a certain Don them-below not only the sky, but the ground-bury Abel, who carried him to Seville, in Andalusia; and, on a them. But, whatever the motive may have been, the fact certain occasion, coming home with very bad luck from a is as I have stated it, that there is a discrepancy in the card table-that will sour the temper even of the mildest- communications of the Executive to Congress; and I will I have seen ladies themselves not bear heavy losses at state another thing when I come to it. It is, that I do becards very well-he gave Scipio a box on the ear, because lieve-though I do not pledge myself to prove-but I will he had not done something which he had not ordered him pledge myself to make out a very strong case, such as to do, but which it was the part of a good servant to have would satisfy a jury in the county of Charlotte-and I done, without being ordered. Scipio goes to tell his story would put myself on that jury, and be tried by God and to a bravo, and tells him that his master is going to leave my country-I then say, sir, that there is strong reason to Seville, and that, as soon as the vessel runs down the believe that these South American communications, which Gaudalquiver, he shall leave him. If this is your plan of have been laid before us, were manufactured here at revenge, says the bravo, your honor is gone forever-not Washington, if not by the pens, under the eye of our own only do this, but rob him-take his strong box with you. Ministers, to subserve their purposes. Sir, though in one Scipio, at that time, had not conceived the atrocious idea respect, I am like the great Earl of Warwick the Kingof adding robbery to breach of trust; but he agreed to the maker, and a little unlike him in unmaking one Kingproposition. But, as they were descending the stair-case, though between two hawks I can tell which flies the highthe bravo-strong as Hercules, to carry off other men's er pitch-between two dogs, which has the deeper mouth goods-with the strong box on his shoulders, they are between two horses, which bears him best-between thet by Don Abel. The bravo puts down the coffer, and two blades, which hath the better temper-between two takes to his heels, and Scipio awaits the issue of his mas-girls, which hath the merrier eye-yet, in matters of law,

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[MARCH 30, 1826.

I am like the unlearned Earl Goodlack. One thing has my come here in a worse shape-wolves in sheep's clothing attention been turned to-language-words-the counters-it is my duty and my business to tear the sheep skins of wise men, the money of fools-that machine and mate- from their backs, and, as Windham said to Pitt, open the rial with which the lawyer, the priest, the doctor, the bosom, and expose beneath the ruffled shirt the filthy charlatan of every sort and kind, pick the pocket and put dowlas. This language was used in the House of Comthe fetters upon the planter and upon the slave-holder. It mons, where they talk and act like men-where they eat is by a dexterous cutting and shuffling of this pack that and drink like men, and do other things like men-not the business is done. They who can shuffle the whole like Master Bettys. Adams determined to take warning by pack, are often quite ignorant of any foreign language, his father's errors, but in attempting the perpendicular, even of their own, and, in their attempts to write and talk he bent as much the other way. Who would believe finely, they only betray their poverty, like the fine ladies that Adams, the son of the sedition-law President, who in the Vicar of Wakefield, by their outrageous attempts to held office under his father-who, up to Dec. 6, 1807, be very genteel. The first thing that struck me in these was the undeviating, staunch adherent to the opposition documents was, how wonderfully these Spaniards must to Jefferson's Administration, then almost gone-who have improved in English in their short residence in the would believe he had selected for his pattern, the celcUnited States. It reminded me of a remark in one of brated Anacharsis Cloots, "orator of the human race”” Scott's novels, in the part about old Elspeth of the Craig- As Anacharsis was the orator of the human race, so burnfoot: "Aye," say's old Edie, "she's a well educate Adams was determined to be the President of the human "woman; and an' she win to her English, as I hae heard race, when I am not willing that he should be President her do at an orra time, she may come to fickle us a'." of my name and race; but he is, and must be, till the These Spaniards have got to their English, and we are all third day of March, eighteen hundred and-I forget when. fickled. But I shall be told-not as I have been told-He has come out with a speech and a message, and with but as I am prepared to be told-because I have kept this a doctrine that goes to take the whole human family unthing locked up here to bring it out here in this Senate-der his special protection. Now, sir, who made him his I shall be told that these English letters were translations brother's keeper? Who gave him, the President of the from the Spanish, made in the office of the Secretary of United States, the custody of the liberties, or the rights, State. I hope not-I should be sorry to see any such to- or the interests of South America, or any other America, kens of affinity, and consanguinity, and good understand save only the United States of America, or any other ing; but they have the foot-prints and the flesh marks of country under the sun He has put himself, we know, the style of that office, as I shall show on a future occa- into the way, and I say God send him a safe deliversion. I cannot show it now--it would be unreasonable-ance, and God send the country a safe deliverance but show it I will, and in a manner that shall satisfy any from his policy-from his policy. Sir, it is well known honest jury on the South side of the Ohio, and on the to you, that, up to the period of getting this message South side of Mason and Dickson's line-any honest jury-from Adams, I was the champion here of his rights as a and I will bring the presumption so strong, that he must co-ordinate branch of the Government. I was the person possess more than Christian charity (which covereth all who rose immediately after the gentleman from New things) who will deny that there exists strong presump-York, and protested against our opening the doors, for tive evidence-and, sir, against the honor of a man, as reasons with which I will not trouble the Senate. against the honor of a lady, strong presumptive evidence question of a call on the Executive, for other information is a fatal thing-it is always fatal when that presumptive than the treaties, &c. I said, the President is a co-ordievidence cannot be cleared up and done away. nate branch of this Government, and is entitled to all posread the letters of these South American Missionaries over sible respect from us. It is his duty to lay before us inagain, and compare them with the tone of the messages formation on which we must act-if he does not give us and letters which we have received-put them in columns sufficient information, it is not our business to ask moreone against the other, and mark the similitude. My sus- I never will ask for more, and to be given confidentially, picious temper may have carried me too far-if it has, I &c. [Mr. R. here briefly adverted to the history of the beg pardon-but I will show enough-not a handkerchief resolutions in the secret session.] I did maintain the -not to justify the jealousy of Othello-yet I believe that rights of the President, (said Mr. R.) but from the mcthe jealousy might have been pardoned to the noble ment he sent us this message-from that moment, did my Moor, certainly by me, had he not been a black man; but tone and manner to him change. From that moment the idea to me is so revolting of that connexion, that I was I an altered man, and I am afraid, not altered for the never can read that play with any sort of pleasure-see it better. [Here Mr. R. read the Executive Message, of acted I never could. the 16th February, as follows:]

Do you

On the

Now, sir, John Quincy Adams coming into power un- "In answer to the two resolutions of the Senate, of der these inauspicious circumstances, and with these sus- "the 15th instant, marked (Executive,) and which I have picious allies and connexions, has determined to become "received, I state, respectfully, that all the communicathe apostle of liberty, of universal liberty, as his father" tions from me to the Senate, relating to the Congress at was, about the time of the formation of the Constitution, "Panama, have been made, like all other communicaknown to be the apostle of monarchy. It is no secret- "tions upon Executive business, in confidence, and most I was in New York when he first took his seat as Vice" of them in compliance with a resolution of the Senate President. I recollect-for I was a school boy at the time," requiring them confidentially. Believing that the esattending the lobby of Congress, when I ought to have "tablished usage of free confidential communications bebeen at school-I remember the manner in which my "tween the Executive and the Senate, ought, for the brother was spurned by the coachman of the then Vice" public interest, to be preserved unimpaired, I deem it President, for coming too near the arms blazoned on the scutcheon of the Vice-Regal carriage. Perhaps I may have some of this old animosity rankling in my heart, and, coming from a race who are known never to forsake a friend or forgive a foe-I am taught to forgive my enemies, and I do from the bottom of my heart, most sincercly, as I hope to be forgiven; but it is my enemies-not the enemies of my country: for, if they come here in the shape of the English, it is my duty to kill them; if they

"iny indispensable duty to leave to the Senate itself the "decision of a question"-Sir, (said Mr. R.) if he would leave to the Senate the decision of the question, I would agree with him; but the evil genius of the American House of Stuart prevailed-he goes on to say, that the question "involves a departure, hitherto, so far as I am

informed, without example, from that usage, and upon "the motives for which, not being informed of them, I do "not feel myself competent to decide." If this had been

MARCH 30, 1826.]

Executive Powers.

[SENATE.

ed to, let the Senate take a dignified stand-don't let them say, we sent to you for that thing, you sent us this; therefore, we shall not go any farther-we shall stop. Let them behave like Romans, like Conscript Fathers. I am sorry I was prevailed on to withdraw my motion, even to make way for that of the gentleman from Portsmouth, New Hampshire. But she once went with us-we rode through the equinoctial gale together-Portsmouth overcame the first Adams, and Portsmouth, New Hampshire, I trust, will overcome the second. I should not have made this allusion but for a toast I heard lately of from a friend of mine-"Those who fell with the first Adams rise with the second." Very true-c'est vrai. Agreed-they who fell under the wrath and desperation of the first Adams—— the dust and ashes men-have risen too. I saw one of them this morning. We too have risen, and the strife is to come. North Carolina has started forth boldly and manfully, like the fine fellow at the battle of the Nile-I believe he was an American-he led the van, and I humbly follow in the wake. It is skirmishing with the light armed troops-with the Voltigeurs-I hope we shall here form a phalanx, a legion-I hope to see, not only Hector in the field, but Troilus, and a host of worthies with him. If not, we too shall have to sing Fuit Ilium-we too shall have to sing, Where the Capitol stood, there grows the harvest. We must put our shoulders to the wheel-having put our hand to the plow, we must not fall back. How men can find time to be sick I can't conceive-I must be dead before I could refrain at a call like this.

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prosecuted for a libel, what jury would have failed to have found a verdict on such an inuendo? that we were breaking up from our own usages, to gratify personal spleen? I say nothing about our movements, because he was not informed of them; the inuendo was, that our motives were black and bad. That moment did I put, like Hannibal, my hand on the altar, and swear eternal enmity against him and his, politically. From that moment I would do any thing within the limits of the Constitution and the law: for, as Chatham, said of Wilkes, I would not, in the person of the worst of men, violate those sanctions and privileges which are the safeguard of the rights and liberties of the best;-but, within the limits of the Constitution and the law, if I don't carry on the war, whether in the Peninsula or any where else, it shall be for want of resources. Mr. R. went on to speak of the motions to which this message of the President's had given rise; one of which described the nature and character of the message. To the resolution, said he, I objected. I said, I would have all the nakedness of the Greek statue; I would even take off the skin, that the muscles might be developed, and that we might have the naked fact. After further observations on the resolutions moved in conclave on this subject, Mr. R. repeated what he had then said, in reference to the message of the President. Who made him a judge of our usages? Who constituted him? He has been a professor, I understand-I wish he had left off the pedagogue when he got into the Executive Chair. Who made him the censor morum of this body? Will any one answer this question?-Yes or no?-Who?-Name I never write out speeches. I am glad I am singular in the person. Above all, who made him the searcher of that respect. But I would not lose those that have been hearts, and gave him the right, by an inuendo black as published, and those that are about to be published very hell, to blacken our motives?-blacken our motives-I soon, (on the Panama mission,) for all the books that have did not say that, then-I was more under self command; been written in defence of Constitutions-that on the I did not use such strong language-I said if he could British Constitution (De Lolme) included. We poor narborrow the eye of Omniscience himself; and look into row-minded wretches believed that it was not our busievery bosom here-if he could look into that most awful, ness to go on a crusade to Terra del Fuego, to prevent calamitous, and tremendous of all possible gulfs, the nak- somebody making a settlement where man cannot live, or ed unveiled human heart-stripped of all its coverings of to the North Pole. Our business is to attend to the interself love-exposed naked as to the eye of God-I said if ests and rights of the American Confederacy here. Like he could do that, he was not, as President of the United Hector's wife, who was found spinning amongst her maids, States, entitled to pass upon our motives, although he we did believe that the care of our household was our saw and knew them to be bad. I said, if he had convert- main concern. The card-table has gone out of fashion ed us to the Catholic Religion, and was our Father Con- now-even lotteries are denounced-I don't mean such a fessor, and every man in this House at the footstool of the one as that granted to Jefferson by the Legislature of confessional had confessed a bad motive to him, by the Virginia-I should have voted for that bill if I had been laws of his Church, as by this Constitution, above the law there-Horse-racing and billiards are no longer in vogue and above the church, he, as President of the United all these having been discarded, what is got up in States, could not pass on our motives, though we had their place? The same meddling, obtrusive, intrusive, with our own lips told him our motives, and confessed restless, self-dissatisfied spirit shows itself in another way. they were bad. I said this then, and I say it now. Here The ennui breaks out in a new place-the tedium vitæ I plant my foot-here I fling defiance right into his teeth, appears in Sunday Schools, Missionary Societies, subscripbefore the American People. Here I throw the gauntlet tions to Colonization Societies-taking care of the Sandto him and the bravest of his compeers, to come forward wich Islanders, free Negroes, and God knows who. It is the and defend these miserable dirty lines: "Involving a de- same spirit which drove men from home to the card-table, "parture, hitherto, so far as I am informed, without ex- to the billiard table, and the horse race. It is a matter of "ample, from that usage, and upon the motives for fact, that a gentleman told me, that, going to visit a very "which, not being informed of them, I do not feel myself pious lady and gentleman in Virginia, the little Negroes "competent to decide!" Amiable modesty! I wonder were so ragged as to be obliged to hide for shame, and we did not, all at once, fall in love with him; and agree, the women of the family were employed in making panuna voce, to publish our proceedings-except myself- taloons and jackets for the free Negroes at Liberia. Whenfor I quitted the Senate ten minutes before the vote was ever any of these Ministers, male or female, come to me taken. I saw what was to follow-I knew the thing would with their complaints and petitions for aid, I never can not be done at all, or would be done unanimously. There- forget Gil Blas and Senor Manuel Ordonnez, who got rich fore, in spite of the remonstrances of friends, I went and lived comfortably by administering the funds of the away, not fearing that any one would doubt what my vote poor. If we cannot get here an account of the money we would have been, if I had staid. After twenty-six hours' vote by appropriation, I should like to see a settlement of exertion, it was time to give in. I was defeated, horse, the accounts of the Otaheitans. I should like to see the foot, and dragoons-cut up-and clean broke down-by vouchers of the expenditures for these Sandwich Islandthe coalition of Blifil and Black George-by the combin-ers, and these Liberian People-I am afraid we should ation, unheard of till then, of the puritan with the black-leg. Having disposed of this subject, I shall say one word more, and sit down. I said, on the subject already advertVor I-27

have to settle them on equitable principles-they would never pass the Treasury. When I cannot get an account from my own steward, as a private man; when, as a public

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