held by the father of Mr T. Townshend, although feemingly finecure, cannot be reckoned amongst the unnecellary platu, or unmerited penfions; as by being of an irrevocable kind, it has helped to enable the fon to dart his eloquence with a becoming boldness against all placemen and penfioners. For the like reafons, every lord and gentleman in the minority is deferving, more or lefs, of a penfion, which it is in vain for them to expect while the majority continue to have the fole controul of the expenditure of the public money, and employ their power in countenancing, or rather requiring, the diftribution of it amongst themfelves.

To remedy this evil, which has been long complained of, is the purpose of the meetings now calling in the feveral counties. But as every new fcheme, however useful and rational, is fure to meet with objections, I lately heard in company fome objections to this.

being elected, it would not differ essentially from a houfe of commons; and that the majority of it being vefted with fupreme power of diftributing the public money, would in like manner appropriate to themfelves the moft lucrative places, reserving the fmall ones for the members of the county-meetings for the better keeping up an intereft amongst them. But this I told my antagonist was an objection he would not have made, if he had been fully acquainted with the true nature of this congrefs, and of those county-meetings. I told him, that abufes in the houfe of commons arose from its members being elected for a fixed period; during which they confidered themfelves as independent of their conftituents, who, in fact, had no power over them, not even fo much as to oblige them to regard their inftructions. These members, indeed, acknowledge their power to be delegated; but they confider the delegation as a leafe; out of which they cannot be ejected before the expiration of their term, and which will be probably renewed to them upon paying the ufual fine. Thefe leafes are now feptennial; they were once triennial; and there are people who wish them to be only annual, with very little meaning, as the evil which fprings from their being of any certain duration would not be removed by the change. But this is not the cafe with the members of the congrefs; for they are recallable at pleafure by any county-meeting, which, as the Duke of Richmond obferves, may be convened by any body at any time; fo that they could never be fure, not even for a' week to come, of their political exitence, and might be faid to be only tenants at will; nay, it is certain, that they would be immediately recalled, if ever they were found to hold any opinions different from thofe of their conftituents. As for the fuggeftion, That they aright maintain themfelves in their power, by bribing a majority of those conftituents; it is childith, and muft appear so to every one who confiders the nature of county meetings. The number of thofe who have a right to come to thofe meetings, is very great, though not fo great in fome counties as in o thers. The freeholders alone of Yorkfhire are computed at 30,0co. But as every inhabitant is now intended to have an equal right of aflifting at them, the numbers of those who may if they pleafe O

It was faid, That the perfons attending a county-meeting may be eafily induced, from motives of neighbourhood, or other perfonal connections, to affign a greater degree of merit, and with it a greater fhare of the public emoluments, to their own circle, than to any other; and that this might produce a clafhing of interefts between county and county, prejudicial to the common caufe: nay, was fuggefted, that the perfons attend g the meetings would claim fome fhare of thofe benefits on account of their afficuity in attending, and neglect of their Gwn private affairs; fo that perhaps the whole money that the nation is able to pare for penfions might be expected by any five or fix counties, to the exclufion of the reft. To this I answered, That the objection arofe from want of a perfect knowledge of the extent of this new cheme of reformation; that the difficulty here ftarted was too obvious not to ccur to the noblemen and gentlemen who firft planned the fcheme; and that they had obviated that difficulty, by the rleans of a congrefs, to meet at London, turmed by three members deputed from each county-meeting, and three from the city of London, who were to watch ver the whole, and to modify the defres of each county, fo as to make them

act in concert.

attend,

attend, must be ten times as great. This being, faid I, the cafe, I will leave it with any man of fenfe to judge whether there are any means in the public treafury by which fuch a mass, or a majority of it, is capable of being bribed. It may be faid, that although a great many thousands of these people have a right of affembling, it is not probable that more than a few hundreds will actually attend. This is, no doubt, the truth; but as all have a right of attending, it is not poffible to foresee who are the perfons of which this small number is to be compofed; and they may be perfectly different at every meeting. In fhort, the idea of corrupting a fet of constituents of this fort, is perfectly chimerical.

The great defideratum in the political art has hitherto been, to find a fupreme power that is itself subject to be controlled. The queftion has long been, Cuftodes quis cuftodiet? and the learned have long defpaired of finding a fatisfactory anfwer to it. But, to the honour of England, and of the prefent age, it is now found; for the congrefs will overrule the county-meetings, and the county-meetings will over-rule the congrefs, while both together will over-rule the house of commons, if indeed fuch a wheel thould be found any longer neceffary for the machine of state.

But though, in what regards the digesting of this new plan of government, we owe much to the abilities of the Duke of Richmond and Sir Jofeph Maw bey, there is reafon to believe, that the idea of it is not perfectly new, but had been conceived by Mr Locke, above eighty years ago. For that great man, at the fame time that he fhews himfelf a professed enemy to prerogative, and hereditary right, certainly looked upon parliamentary government with a fufpicious eye; as appears by feveral paffages of this excellent work, importing, that "there remains ftill inherent in the people a fupreme power to remove or alter the legislature, where they find the legiflature act contrary to the truft repofed in them; for when fuch truft is abufed, it is thereby forfeited, and devolves to those who gave it." Thefe notions have been cenfured by fome writers as tending to anarchy: For, fay they, if the houfe of commons, after having, upon revolution-principles, deftroyed the prerogative, or executive power of the rown, fhould be itfelf deftroyed by the

people at large, the nation would be left without any governing power at all, either executive or legiflative. But this difficulty ceafes, when we fuppofe that Mr Locke had already formed in his mind another and a more popular form of government, by a congress of uncertain duration, elected by county-meetings, cafually affembled, but which the general rage at that time in favour of parliaments would not permit him more clearly to disclose.

You will probably observe, Sir, tha I have fometimes ufed the words parlia ment, and house of commons, as if they were, fynonymous, though in commo language they are not fo. I have the ut most respect for the house of peers. The are of great antiquity. They are even greater antiquity than the house of com mons, and their meetings are conducte with the greatest dignity. For thefe re: fons I am always uneafy when any of m friends infinuate that they are of no co fequence in the conftitution of this cou try. It is true, they are neither poffe: ed of the fword nor the purfe, the tv great means by which government is re dered effectual; and confequently a incapable either of taking the lead in a great measure themselves, or of effe tually checking any bad measures in th other powers of the state. Yet I wou not, for all this, wifh to have them ab lifhed. They are at least harmless, they are not ufeful. Many, indeed, that illuftrious body, fuch as the Du of Richmond, are fenfible of the infig ficancy of their fituation, and are end vouring to procure for themfelves fo real importance, by becoming memb of the new planned county-meetings, a which have been planned with a partic lar view to their reception. For ju fearing, that the common freehold who had long held, through their rep fentatives, the exclufive difpofal of nation's money, would, with their uf jealoufy, endeavour to prevent them this new mode of interference, they h called to their aid the most numer clafs of men in the nation; that is, thofe who pay taxes without being fr holders. The peers are certainly a r of the people of England, and as fi have an undoubted right to be conful in the difpofal of their own proper Whether, indeed, they will be allow to act in the double capacity of peers commoners, must be left to the fut

deliberat

ftep; and I would willingly guard you against the mischievous effects which may probably arife from it. The propriety of your interfering in money-matters with the house of commons, where you are already reprefented by legal delegates, may be queftioned by fome; I will not difpute it but your right to transfer any fuch power to others, and the propriety of your appointing another fet of delegates to overlook and overawe the parliament, are pofitions which will admit of no one argument in their fupport. When you proceeded to this appointment, you made an attempt to diffolve your own popular power, and to fet up in its room the worst of all powers, and the leaft to be endured in any state, an aristocracy, or rather an oligarchy, which feldom or never deferves the other title. But this act was illegal and invalid: you certainly have it not in your power to alienate, or to transfer to any others, that right which must always remain inherent in yourselves by the spirit of the conftitution.

The intent of your late meetings was to fend petitions to parliament; your respective reprefentatives were the proper perfons to prefent them; they alfo were the only proper perfons to report their fuccefs; and no further step relative to them can poffibly be taken, on any conftitutional ground, without your being again confulted. I Thould therefore defire to know, by what authority, with what powers, or for what purposes, committees were ap pointed. I know of no work which you have ordered to be done which might require a committee; and I thould hope, that none of thofe gentlemen have any fecret work of their own (to which you are ftrangers) to carry on, under the pretended fanction of your authority.

Any fet of gentlemen may certainly meet if they chufe it, on an appointed day, in April, or any other month; they may be very happy together, and very well pleafed with each other's company; they may certainly think, and fpeak, and act as they pleafe, on that, or on any other day but furely they will not prefume to affert, that any opinion which they may then adopt, fhall be the opinion, much less that any order which they may then make, fhall be the order, or any act which they may then execute, shall be the act, of the Gentlemen, Clergy, and Freeholders, of their feveral counties. The mere ridiculoufnefs and abfur.

dity of fuch a conceit are fufficient to fhew their infignificancy in the capacity of a committee.

The establishment of committees (the creature of one county-meeting), thefe, gentlemen may perhaps fay, can only be deftroyed by another meeting of like authority; and if your new delegates fhould at any time have inclination and influence enough to prevent the calling of fuch meetings, and the fame fpirit fhould prevail in all the feveral counties, thefe affemblies of forty tyrants might continue their ufurpation with uncontrouled power; they might hoift their three and twenty stripes, and bid defiance to all law and authority, and defpife the very power which created them. Such things have occurred in the history of this country; and, if not timely prevented, may happen again.

The parliament continues by law for feven years; —many friends to the late tranfactions (apparently of more zeal than knowledge or forefight) wish to see this term reduced to three, or even to one: but, at the fame time, these very men, to ferve fome particular views of their own, will venture on the appointment of committees, to overawe the proceedings of parliament, who, by vir tue of a power to elect new members, might continue for ever, and become perpetual cenfors of the legislature; might proceed, perhaps, to remove fuch fenators as difpleased them, according to the practice of the laft age.

I hope you will plainly fee the abfurdity, the mifchief of thefe appointments, which are in themselves unconstitutional and dangerous; and that you will unanimoufly lend a hand to pull up again this foundation-stone of rebellion (to the laying of which fome of you have, inad vertently, given your affiftance), before any fatal fuperftructure can be raised upon it.

If these committees fhould prefume to exert any act of their pretended authority, join rather with the diffentient and more prudent part of your fellow-countrymen, in protefting most heartily, against them.

An OLD CORRESPONDENT.

From a letter, dated, Berkeley Square, Feb.

29. and figned, MISOCHLUS.

THIS writer, after reciting Philodemus's quotation from Locke, and his remarks upon it [106.], proceeds thus.

"Mr Locke knew very well, that

the

the notions quoted as above, tended to anarchy; and Philodemus knew very well that Mr Locke knew it; for Mr Locke finishes that very paragraph (N° 149.) with the following words, which honeft Philodemus has thought it more aivifeable to omit : " And thus the commanity may be faid, in this respect, to be always the fupreme power; but not as confidered under any form of government, because the power of the people can never take place till the government be diffolved." Here Mr Locke acknowledges, that an exercise of this fupreme right of the people amounts to anarchy, or a diffolution of government : o that any new form of government not be fubfequent to this diffolution, Anarchy is, therefore, according to Mr Locke, the first ftage towards the reformation of government; and if Philodemus and his friends purpose to arrive at this ftage by their county-meetings, the means, it must be confeffed, are not ill

futed to the end.

But neither Mr Locke, nor any of his followers, ever recommended a continuance of anarchy, or a perpetual diffolution of government: they all meant to rear up fome new government upon the spot where the old one had ftood. Bet, unfortunately, their fyftem here fails us when we have most need of its affiftance. The levelling doctrine which pervades every part of Locke's writings, is very unferviceable when building up is required; and obliges us to look for builders in fome other quarter.

A diffolution of the prefent form of government in Britain may be brought about by very foolish inftruments; but whether that which is to fucceed it is to be a ea government of county-meetings, or a government by horfe foot and dragoons, is a matter, I believe, totally unknown to the Duke of Richmond, Sir Jofeph Mawbey, or their Puff Philodemus; and in which none of the three are likely to be consuited. Indeed, men who are fo ftupid by nature, or fo befotted by faction, as openly to maintain, that there is a difference between refiftance and rebellion, and that thofe who are taken in arms against their country ought to be treated no otherwife than as prifoners of war, feem, by fo doing, to have abandoned of themfelves all expectation of being ever concerned in the affairs of any regular government, either as actors or advisers.'

MARRIAGES.

Feb. In Ireland, the Earl of Arran, to Mifs Underwood.

Calderwood, Efq; of Polton, Major in the 22. At Largo-houfe, Fifeshire, William first troop of horse-guards, to Mrs OliphantKinloch of Kinloch. [37. 638.]

25. At Edinburgh, William Cuningham of Lainfhaw, Efq; to Mifs Cranston, daughter of the Hon. George Cranston.

28. At Montrofe, Ingram Ball, Efq; captain in the Queen's light dragoons, to Mifs Coutts, daughter of James Coutts, Efq; of Montrose.

BIR TH S.

Feb. 5. At London, the Duchefs of Beaufort, of a fon.

20. In Rofs-fhire, Mrs Macleod of Geanies, of a fon.

DE A T H S.

Nov. 27. 1779. In the ifland of Grenada, Andrew Grant, Efq; fon of the late Patrick Grant of Eichies, Efq; one of the Lords of Seffion and Jufticiary.

He

At Savannah in Georgia, Capt. Philip Browne, late of the Rofe man of war. is honourably mentioned by Gen. Prevost, in his account of the defence of Savannah [41. 680.]

Warfaw, Jan. 15. Eight days ago a melancholy accident happened here. The cloaths of the Princefs, cldeft daughter of Prince Adam Zattoryiki, unfortunately took fire; and before they could be extinguished, fhe was fo much burnt, that he died yesterday in great agonies."

14. At Edinburgh, Mr Alexander Gray, writer to the fignet.

19. At Defkford, Mr Walter Morifon, minifter of that parish, in the 88th year of his age, and 58th of his ministry.

31. At Merchiston, near Edinburgh, Mrs Jean Philp, widow of Archibald Inglis, Efq; of Auchindiany.

Feb. 1. At Rutherglen, Mr William Maxwell, minifter of that parish, in the 85th year of his age, and 56th of his miniftry.

2. At Navity, Fifeshire, in the 25th year of his age, Alexander Mitchell, A. M. preacher of the gospel.

3. At Edinburgh, Mr Andrew Pitcairn fenior, writer in Edinburgh.

nifter of the High church of that city, in the 3. At Glafgow, Dr John Hamilton, mi67th year of his age, and 43d of his miniftry.

4. At the old manfe of Twynholm, in the ftewartry of Kircudbright, Mrs Boyd, relict of Mr Andrew Boyd minifter of that parish, and daughter of Mr Walter Boyd, of Glaf

gow.